Are young male speakers losing Tone 3 breathiness in Shanghai

([email protected]). 1. ... p, pʰ, t, tʰ, ts, tsʰ, tɕ, tɕʰ, k, kʰ, f, s, ɕ, h, l, m, n, Ø ... b-V, b-N. 平 Yang even p-ʔ. 上 rising tone. 上 Yin rising b-ʔ. 上 Yang rising.
12MB taille 11 téléchargements 258 vues
Are young male speakers losing Tone 3 breathiness in Shanghai Chinese? An acoustic and electroglottographic study. ICPLC – Dec 4th 2013, Hong Kong

Jiayin Gao1 & Pierre Hallé1,2

([email protected])

1. Laboratoire de Phonétique et Phonologie 2. Laboratoire Mémoire et Cognition

Shanghai Chinese 1

¨  ¨  ¨ 

nearly 14 million speakers belongs to the Wu family

(about 80 million speakers)

characterized phonologically by its three-way laryngeal contrast voiceless unaspirated (全清:fully clear) ¤  voiceless aspirated(次清:secondary clear) ¤  voiced(全濁:fully muddy) ¤ 

* 次濁 (secondary muddy) is used to describe ‘sonorants’ Onsets p, pʰ, t, tʰ, ts, tsʰ, tɕ, tɕʰ, k, kʰ, # f, s, ɕ, h, l, m, n, Ø# b, d, (dz), dʑ, g,# v, z, ʑ, l, m, n, Ø#

Tones 53 (T1)

34 (T2)

23 (T3)

5 (T4)

yin tones (high)

2 (T5)

yang tones (low)

Phonological association between onsets and tones in Shanghai Chinese.

2

Voiced onsets with Muddy airflow: impressionistic descriptions ¨ 

¨ 

¨ 

Voiced stops of Wu dialects are accompanied by some voiced aspiration (‘aspiration sonore’) at the release. But the aspiration is too weak to worth its name (‘trop faible pour mériter d’être désignée’). (Karlgren, 1915-1926: 260) The real nature of voiced initials, as was first noticed by Dr. Liou Fuh, and later verified experimentally by the present writer, is that they begin with a quite voiceless sound and only finish with a voiced glide, usually quite aspirated, in the form of a voiced h. (Chao, 1928: xii) 在這次所做過的方音裡,大多數把這個讀成‘清音濁 流’的音。[In this dialectological study, most speakers pronounce (the voiced obstruents) as ‘clear sounds with muddy airflow’. ] (Chao, 1928: 21)

3

Question 1: How can we describe this ‘muddy airflow’? ¨ 

“muddy” ¤  used

in Chinese phonology ¤  to describe what we call today “voiced” or “sonant” ¤  in contrast with “clear” ¤  Perhaps “muddy” implies some special voice quality? ¨ 

“muddy airflow” ¤  breathy

voice, breathiness (e.g., Sherard, 1972; Norman 1988), as will be used in this study ¤  slack voice (Ladefoged & Maddieson, 1996; Chen & Downing, 2011) ¤  depression, “depressor” (Rose 1989, 2001; Chen & Downing, 2011)

4

Voiced onsets with Muddy airflow: experimental investigations ¨ 

Yes, breathier! ¤  H1-H2

(Cao & Maddieson, 1992; Gao & Hallé, 2012), H1-A1 (Cao & Maddieson, 1992): higher for “muddy” ¤  fiberoptic transillumination (1 speaker) (Ren, 1988):

maximal glottal openness (MGO): aspirated > “muddy” > voiceless.

¨ 

No evidence for breathiness ¤  ePGG

(1 speaker) (Gao et al., 2011): MGO: aspirated > “muddy” ≈ voiceless. ¤  AF/AP (ratio of air flow to air pressure) (Cao & Maddieson, 1992): no diff. between “muddy” and voiceless.

5

Question 2: Where does ‘muddy airflow’ come from? Old Chinese p-V, p-N# b-V, b-N# p-ʔ# b-ʔ# p-s > p-h# b-s > b-h# p-p,t,k# b-p,t,k#

PHONATION DIFFERENCE Early Middle Chinese Late Middle Chinese 平 even tone

上 rising tone 去 departing tone 入 entering tone

loss of coda > contour tones

modal

平 Yin even

breathy

平 Yang even

modal

上 Yin rising

breathy

上 Yang rising

modal

去 Yin departing

breathy

去 Yang departing

modal

入 Yin entering

breathy

入 Yang entering

loss of onsets’ voicing > register tones (TONE SPLIT: Haudricourt 1954)

6

Voicing contrast > phonation contrast > tone contrast ¨ 

Evidence in development of Middle Chinese and language contact (Pulleyblank, 1977): In level tone, Middle Chinese breathiness was replaced by onsets’ voiceless aspiration in Mandarin and in Cantonese. ¤  In Vietnamese, the huyen tone (corresponding to Chinese low level) has a breathy quality and the ngang tone (high level) has a clear quality (Thompson, 1965). ¤ 

¨ 

Evidence in other languages (among others) Mon-Khmer: voicing contrast > phonation contrast (head register/ modal vs. chest register/breathy) (Shorto, 1967; Henderson, 1952; Wayland & Jongman, 2003). ¤  East Cham: two registers combining pitch, phonation, duration and vowel quality (high tone & modal voice vs. low tone & breathy voice) (Edmondson & Gregerson, 1992; Brunelle, 2005, 2006). ¤ 

Purpose of this study 7

¨ 

To provide quantitative EGG data for the “muddy” series EGG data by Chen (2010): observation of EGG signals, no quantitative data reported ¤  Measure of degree of contact of the vocal folds during phonation => “open quotient” (OQ) as an indication of voice quality ¤  Has been used to study languages with phonations: e.g., Vietnamese, Naxi (Michaud, 2005), Tamang (Mazaudon & Michaud, 2006; Mazaudon, 2012), White Hmong (Esposito, 2012), etc. ¤ 

¨ 

To study the variation of “muddy” realization and to gain an insight on the evolution of “muddy” voice in Shanghai Chinese during the last century ¤ 

most rapid change among all the Wu dialects contact with migrant dialects n  more recently with Mandarin Chinese, the latter lacking breathiness n 

Method 8

¨ 

Participants: ¤  11

native speakers of Shanghai Chinese ¤  Elderly group: 3M + 1F, mean 67.3, range 64-72 ¤  Young group: 4M + 3F, mean 24.9, range 24-28 ¨ 

Speech materials Tone T1 T2 T3

Zero (ʔ)ɛ 哀 (ʔ)ɛ 爱 ɛ咸

Stop pɛ 杯 tɛ 堆

Fricative fɛ 翻 sɛ 三

pɛ 板 tɛ 胆

fɛ 反 sɛ 伞

bɛ 办 dɛ 谈 vɛ 饭 zɛ 才

Nasal (ʔ)mɛ 蛮 (ʔ)mɛ 美 mɛ 梅

frame sentence /__ gə ə zɨ ŋo nin tə ə/ (“__” this character, I know it), written in Chinese characters

Method: EGG (electroglottographe) 9

¨ 

Calculate the dEGG signal (derivative of EGG, Henrich et al., 2003) with a semi-automatic Matlab program “peakdet.m” (Michaud). In the case of double or multiple peaks, the largest peak was retained. ¨ 

¨ 

¨ 

Obtain F0 and OQ values for each glottal period in the /ɛ/ vowel. Interpolate F0 and OQ values every 5 ms. Compute average F0 and OQ for each consecutive fifth of the vowel’s duration.

http://voiceresearch.free.fr/egg/

F0 and OQ at five positions

Method: H1-H2 10

¨ 

Computed on 30 ms windows for each consecutive fifth of the vowel’s duration, with a Praat script (based on Gendrot)

H1-H2 at five positions Gordon & Ladefoged, 2001

Results: F0 (elderly group) 11

1

150

150

F0 (Hz)

F0 (Hz)

200

200

250

250

3

1

Tone 2 2

3

Tone 3 4

Tone 1

100

100

Tone 1

5

1

Position

Tone 2 2

3

Tone 3 4

Position

F0 averaged across items and speakers

F0 averaged across items

156 vs. 211 Hz

5

Results: F0 (young group) 350

12

Tone 3

250 200 150

4

F0 (Hz)

251 vs. 144 Hz

Tone 2

300

3

Tone 1

1

2

3

4

Position

F0 averaged across items and speakers.

5

Results: open quotient (all) 60 40

50

*

50

*

Open quotient (%)

*

40

Elderly

Open quotient (%)

60

70

70

13

1

2

Tone 2 3

Tone 3 4

5

3

Tone 1

30

30

Tone 1

1

2

Position

4

5

1

65

65

55 45

50

Open quotient (%)

60

60 55 50 1

2

Tone 2 3 Position

Tone 3 4

5

4

Tone 1

40

Tone 1

40

*: higher T3, p < .05.

3

Tone 3

Position

45

Open quotient (%)

Young

Tone 2

1

2

Tone 2 3 Position

Tone 3 4

5

3

Some examples

0

Frequency (Hz)

7000

0 Time (s)

Frequency (Hz)

7000

0

0

0.5 Time (s)

7000

0

0.5

Frequency (Hz)

Frequency (Hz)

Frequency (Hz)

Frequency (Hz)

14

0

0.5 Time (s)

young female: age 25

7000

0

0 Time (s)

7000

0

0

0.47 Time (s)

7000

0

0.47

0

0.46 Time (s)

elderly female: age 67

Some examples 7000

0.3573 0

0 0

0.4 Time (s)

7000

-0.5582

0

0

7000

0

0.4 Time (s)

0

0.4

Frequency (Hz)

Frequency (Hz)

Frequency (Hz)

Frequency (Hz)

15

0 Time (s)

7000

0

0.48

0

0.48 Time (s)

Time (s)

elderly male: age 64

elderly male: age 66

4

5

Tone 1 1

2

Tone 2 3 Position

Tone 3 4

160 140 120 100 1

5

2

Tone 2 3

Tone 3 4

5

Position

*

45

50

Open quotient (%)

55

60

Position

Tone 1

60

3

Tone 3

55

2

Tone 2

2 YM: smaller F0 range (abt. 50 Hz) and lower mean F0 (125 Hz)

50

F0 (Hz)

180

180 160 100

Tone 1 1

Open quotient (%)

Averaged OQ

140 120

F0 (Hz)

2 YM: larger F0 range (abt. 80 Hz) and higher mean F0 (163 Hz)

45

Averaged F0

200

200

220

220

16

Results: variations in F0 and OQ among young male speakers

Tone 1 1

2

Tone 2 3 Position

Tone 3 4

5

Some examples

0.33

Time (s)

7000

0

0

0.5 Time (s)

7000

0

0.5

0

0.5 Time (s)

young male: age 25, larger and higher F0

Frequency (Hz)

0

0 Time (s)

7000

0

0

0.33 Time (s)

7000

0

0.33 Frequency (Hz)

Frequency (Hz)

0

7000

Frequency (Hz)

Frequency (Hz)

0.33

0

Frequency (Hz)

Frequency (Hz)

0.33

7000

Frequency (Hz)

Frequency (Hz)

17

0

0.33 Time (s)

young male: age 28, smaller and lower F0

7000

0

0

7000

0

0

7000

0

0

Summary of EGG results 18

¨ 

Tone realization: ¤  YF

speakers have greater F0 range and extremely higher F0 than YM speakers. ¤  Variation among YM speakers. ¨ 

Open quotient: ¤  Values

at the beginning: “muddy” OQ=0.58-0.6 for speakers that show the difference between “muddy” and modal, which is around 0.1 for EM and 0.05 for YM. ¤  No difference for female speakers. ¤  Some F0-phonation tradeoff in young male speakers. (cf. in Risiangku Tamang, Mazaudon, 2012)

Results: H1-H2

0

H1-H2 (dB)

-4

-2

0

*

-2

*

-4

Elderly

H1-H2 (dB)

2

2

4

4

19

1

2

Tone 2 3

Tone 3 4

5

3

Tone 1

-6

-6

Tone 1

1

2

5

H1-H2 (dB)

0

5

1

-10

Tone 1

*: higher T3, p < .05.

4

-5

0

5

*

-5

H1-H2 (dB)

*

-10

Young

*

3

Tone 3

Position

Position

*

Tone 2

1

2

Tone 2 3 Position

Tone 3 4

5

4

Tone 1 1

2

Tone 2 3 Position

Tone 3 4

5

3

Summary of H1-H2 results 20

Positional effect: the diff. between modal and “muddy” is more pronounced at the 1st than the 2nd half of the vowel (consistent with Cao & Maddieson, 1992, but not with Rose, 1989). ¨  Values at the beginning: “muddy” H1-H2 = 3 dB for EM and 7 dB for YM; difference of around 5 dB between “muddy” and modal for both young and elderly males. ¨  No difference for female speakers. ¨  Less variation among male speakers. ¨ 

General discussion 21

¨ 

Cross-gender difference: ¤  ¤  ¤ 

¨ 

Female speakers, elderly or young, do not produce OQ or H1-H2 difference between the “muddy” and “clear” voice. (NB: only 1 EF) a) Female speakers usually have large F0 dynamics, perhaps this is why they need not phonation difference. b) There is perhaps a sociolinguistic factor: “In the good majority of linguistic changes, women are a full generation ahead of men.” (Labov, 2001) => a trend toward loss of breathiness.

Cross-age difference: ¤ 

¤  ¤  ¤ 

Among male speakers, all EM produce OQ difference between “muddy” and “clear”. Only YM with a smaller F0 range and lower F0 produce this difference, which is smaller than that of EM. suggests F0-phonation tradeoff => a trend toward loss of breathiness. However, H1-H2 results show more consistent difference for all male speakers.

To do list 22

Additional EGG (esp. EF) and H1-H2 data ¨  Additional analyses: H1-A1, A1-A2, etc. ¨  Perception test: is the breathiness perceived by native speakers? and cross-linguistically? ¨ 

¨ 

Participants are welcome!

Acknowledgements 23

¨ 

We would like to thank ¤ 

¤ 

¤  ¤ 

Andrea Levitt and Marc Brunelle for their suggestions on an earlier draft of this paper; Alexis Michaud for adapting “peakdet.m” to our use and his last minute severe critics on this paper; our dear participants; LabEx EFL (ANR/CGI) support;

¤  YOU

FOR YOUR ATTENTION.