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Hunter-Gatherer Home Ranges and Marine Resources An Archaeological Case from Southern Patagonia L. A. Borrero and R. Barberena CONICET-IMHICIHU-DIPA, Universidad de Buenos Aires, Saavedra 15, 5⬚ (1083 ACA), Buenos Aires, Argentina (
[email protected]@fibertel.com.ar). 25 V 06
The dietary importance of marine resources is often cited as a factor conditioning spatial organization among hunter-gatherers. In particular, fishing has been linked with a settled way of life and relatively small home ranges. A case study from Late Holocene southern Patagonia involving stable isotope analysis of human and faunal remains and examination of the spatial distribution of “marine” items suggests an important role for marine foods, a low intensity of human use of coastal habitats, and a very limited distribution of marine items in the interior. While home ranges are relatively small, no sedentary trend or reduction of mobility is indicated. As Murdock said, “It has long been recognized that the form, size, and fixity of human settlements bear a definite relationship to the modes of exploiting the natural environment to provide subsistence” (1969, 129; see also Osborn 1977; Yesner 1980). The dietary importance of marine resources is one of the factors most frequently cited as conditioning spatial organization among hunter-gatherers. In this paper we consider the variability in home ranges in relation to the intensity of consumption of these foods by evaluating two independent bodies of data: worldwide ethnographic information and Patagonian archaeological data. The archaeological research lines that we emphasize are the spatial distribution of transported “marine” elements such as molluscs and sea mammal bones, the distribution of human remains with stable isotopic values that indicate the consumption of marine resources, and archaeofaunal analyses of coastal and interior sites. An archaeological case study from Late Holocene southern Patagonia forms the basis of our discussion. Interregional comparisons centered on both archaeological and ethnographic data have great potential as long as we critically consider the differences in temporal scale they involve. Theoretical schemes devised for the comprehension of the archaeological record must be structured on a temporal scale coherent with that of the archaeological deposits. This entails a loss of precision in the reconstruction of specific behaviours and directs attention to long-term processes (Bin䉷 2006 by The Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research. All rights reserved 0011-3204/2006/4705-0007$10.00
ford 1983). The perspective that guides our work can be defined as exploratory in the sense that it seeks to generate new questions on the basis of information which is not intended to be exhaustive.
Ethnographic Information One of the first extensive treatments of the relationship between subsistence activities and spatial organization is Murdock’s (1969). Regarding mobility, he employs four categories: nomadism, seminomadism, semisedentarism, and sedentarism. He suggests that fishing societies move less than other huntergatherer societies but more than most agricultural groups. Indeed, he suggests that “fishing . . . is the only relatively simple mode of subsistence that appears conducive to a settled way of life, and it is highly probable that prior to the first appearance of agriculture about 10,000 years ago the only sedentary populations for many millennia were groups of fishermen” (p. 144). Later, on the basis of the concepts of logistical and residential mobility proposed by Binford (1983), Kelly (1983, 1995) developed a set of variables that is a useful measure of mobility in ethnographic societies. These variables are the number of residential moves made per year by a group, the average distance involved in those movements, the total distance covered each year, the total area occupied over the course of the year, and the average length of a logistical foray. Regarding the analysis of home-range dimensions, the number of residential moves per year and the distances annually travelled might be used as defensible proxies whereas the area annually occupied is a direct measure. These concepts have already been applied to the evaluation of ethnographic data (Kelly 1995; Binford 2001), and the following statement is representative of the general view that emerges from these analyses: “Dependence on aquatic resources is almost always associated with low residential mobility” (Kelly 1995, 125). Using some of the variables proposed by Kelly and adding a number of new ones, Binford (2001) has recently published the most comprehensive treatment of hunter-gatherer mobility so far. He presents information on the number of residential movements per year, total distance annually travelled, amplitude of annually occupied areas, and intensity of consumption of different classes of resources (employing an “aquatic” class that does not discriminate between marine and freshwater species). His thorough analysis of ethnographic mobility and territoriality is closely related to the concept of intensification, which is defined as a change in the biotic community exploited for subsistence. Intensification is caused by a diminution in the size of the area available for use. He remarks that groups with an emphasis on the consumption of terrestrial animals show the least degree of intensification, therefore occupying the largest annual areas (pp. 209–10, 276). The exploitation of aquatic and vegetal resources appears to be associated with a reduction in mobility and population increase (p. 226).
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These propositions follow some of the generalizations made by Yesner (1980), who suggests that coastal hunter-gatherers are characterized by central-place foraging, “which implies at least semisedentary communities” (p. 730) and that “the limited ethnographic record of maritime hunter-gatherers indicates that these dense, semisedentary populations exhibit a significantly greater degree of territoriality than do other hunting-and-gathering peoples” (p. 731). The outstanding image arising from the pool of existing variation is one of relatively settled groups with home ranges that are small in comparison with those of other huntergatherer societies. The emergent pattern is one of a negative correlation between intensity of consumption of marine resources and home-range size. While it is not our intention to provide an exhaustive account of the pertinent ethnographic data, we suggest that the propositions here reviewed are broadly representative of the predominant position on this subject from an ethnographic standpoint and constitute a good starting point for an examination of the evidence from specific archaeological cases. We are aware, however, that the variability behind this proposition is considerable and that characterizing this range of variability will be important for understanding some of the causal conditions for it. In particular, the historical context of contact with European populations in which most of this ethnographic information was gathered may have conditioned natives’ decisions in terms of location and permanence of settlements.
Archaeological Lines of Analysis The methodological tools used in the comparison of the ethnographically “observed” and the archaeological record included the following: Stable isotope analysis of human remains. Stable isotopes of carbon (13 C/12 C) and nitrogen (15 N/14 N) have been used to evaluate the intensity of human consumption of different classes of resources (see, e.g., Richards and Hedges 1999). The analysis of the spatial distribution of human samples showing different diets can be used as a biogeographic indicator of the intensity with which particular environments were occupied. The distances from the coast at which samples showing regular use of marine resources are found can be used as a proxy for individual home-range sizes. Spatial distribution of “marine” items. Artifacts and ecofacts made of shellfish, sea mammal bones, etc., may inform us about the home ranges of populations that were in contact with coastal environments, although their distribution could also be the result of trade or exchange activities. The analysis of fall-off curves of the marine items can be used to evaluate these alternative situations. Archaeofaunal remains. Faunistic information on subsistence can be compared with isotopic data from the same localities. These lines of evidence present important differences in terms of units of analysis and chronological resolution. There-
Current Anthropology Volume 47, Number 5, October 2006
fore, this comparison has the potential to point to differences in the data related to behavioural and formational dimensions (Bailey and Milner 2002; Barberena and Borrero 2005). The unit related to stable isotope values is the individual, whereas faunal assemblages are usually related to a group or populational level. In any case, the appropriate level for archaeological inferences is populational. There are also temporal differences implied in the formation of the signatures that we interpret in terms of subsistence, since isotopic values imprinted on bone relate to the last years of life of the individual (Ambrose 1993) whereas faunal assemblages, which may range temporally from an isolated occupation event to averaged records of thousands of years, must be considered on a case-by-case basis. The spatial distribution of artefacts manufactured on rock types with known coastal provenience is another way to evaluate human circulation and home ranges (Politis, Bonomo, and Prates 2003). This line has begun to be evaluated (Franco 2005) but will not be developed here.
Southern Patagonia: An Archaeological Case Southern Patagonia is a large territory located approximately between 46⬚ and 53⬚ S (fig. 1). The Andean mountain chain dominates the topography on the west coast of the continent, whereas dissected plateaux that give way to low steppe plains make up the eastern part (McCulloch et al. 1997). During the Middle Holocene, ca. 6,000 years BP, the sea began to stabilize near its present level (Isla 1989). Given that the spatial distribution of different archaeological items in relation to marine coastlines is central to our discussions, it is important to point out that both coastlines had reached their present level at ca. 5,000 years BP (Isla 1989). Since the archaeological remains studied here belong to the Late Holocene, it can be inferred that their past position in relation to the coastline has not changed significantly, an inference substantiated by geomorphological studies (Uribe and Zamora 1981; Gonza´lez Bonorino et al. 1999). These and other geomorphological differences, together with variations in wind intensity, determined the establishment of distinctive patterns of oceanic upwelling. These, in turn, have conditioned variable sea productivity. In comparison with the Atlantic side, the rugged and abrupt Pacific coastal morphology sustains a much higher biomass. As underlined by Yesner, the eastern coasts of the Americas “have relatively restricted upwelling zones” (Yesner 1996, 70), which is the case in our study area. Furthermore, the closest estuary is located some 70 km north, at the mouth of the Gallegos River. Thus the marine environment cannot be characterized as highly productive. Terrestrial resources are not plentiful either, but they are not below the productivity levels of the Patagonian interior (fig. 2). The shorelines of the Strait of Magellan also have considerable biological productivity (Magazzu, Panella, and Decembini 1996; Gibbons, Gazitu´a, and Venegas 2000) and predictable drinking water. The atmospheric circulation patterns (characterized by westerly storm tracks) in conjunction with
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Figure 1. Southern Patagonia: Spatial locations of human samples with stable isotope values (see table 2). Sample 10 includes four samples from Lago Sofia 1; sample 31 includes 16 samples from Lago Salitroso (not included in table 2) (Gon˜i, Barrientos, and Cassiodoro 2000–2002 ; Tessone et al. 2005).
the powerful influence of the Andean topographic “wall” have determined very different climatic regimes with characteristic vegetational communities. In order to interpret the isotopic results in palaeodietary terms, it is important to bear in mind that all the vegetal species represent the C3 photosynthetic pathway. The terrestrial animal species present in the western forests and the eastern steppes include guanacos, rodents, cervids, pumas, foxes, and birds, including the flightless choique. Marine species include birds (cormorant, penguin), mammals (southern whales, southern sea lions), and several species of mussels. Guanacos (Lama guanicoe) are abundant almost everywhere in the interior and, since they are territorial (Franklin 1982), easy to predict in time and space. In contrast, marine resources are available only at certain places and times (Schiavini, Crespo, and Szapkievich 2004; Castro et al. 2005). Not surprisingly, guanaco is the main prey for Patagonian hunter-gatherers, but the coast is attractive because it offers access to fats and oils.
We consider first the isotopic information on human remains and the regional isotopic ecology that is used for palaeodietary reconstruction. Most of these samples are dated by 14C within the past 1,000 radiocarbon years or were found associated with late contexts (all radiocarbon dates are uncalibrated). Detailed isotopic information on both human values and isotopic ecology will be published elsewhere (Borrero et al. n.d.; see also Borrero et al. 2001; Barberena 2002). Here we present only the general trends that emerge from that information. Given the size of the region we are dealing with, our isotopic sample is small. This underscores the exploratory nature of the suggestions we make. We are now building a stronger isotopic study, including further cases from different regions and chronological periods (Borrero et al. n.d.; Tykot et al. n.d.). When interpreted on the basis of an adequate knowledge of the local isotopic ecology, isotopic values on human remains can be used to reconstruct the intensity of their con-
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sumption. The database available for southern Patagonia (Borrero et al. 2001, n.d.) constitutes a solid baseline for the estimation of the importance of marine resources in human diets. Given that there is a wide spacing between the mean values for terrestrial and marine resources (table 1) and that there are no plants showing the C4 photosynthetic pathway, the discrimination between those resources is relatively straightforward (Richards and Hedges 1999; Tomczak 2003). In all cases, the inferred proportion of marine resources in human diets is considered as a minimum estimate (see Hedges 2004). We have proposed three dietary classes for human samples: terrestrial, mixed (in which the marine resources account for 20% to 70% of the total protein consumed), and marine (Barberena 2002). Although there is only a difference of degree between these classes, the predominance of any one of them in a given region can be used as a proxy for the intensity of human use of marine resources.1 By measuring the min1. A number of objections have been raised regarding the accuracy of stable isotopes for the discrimination of classes of resources consumed
Table 1. Average Isotopic Values for Terrestrial and Marine Resources Isotope/Fraction Average value in bone samples d 13Ccol. d 13Capat. d 15N Average value calculated for meat or flesh d 13C d 15N
Terrestrial Resources
Marine Resources
⫺21.33 (N p 22) ⫺17.0∗ 2.48 (N p 2)
⫺12.57 (N p 7) ⫺9.65 (N p 2) 16.64 (N p 3)
⫺24.5 4.4
⫺15.5 18.6
Note: ∗, calculated value.
imum distances from the coast at which the samples assigned (see, e.g., Schoeninger and De Niro 1982; Parkington 1987, 1991, 2001; Bailey and Milner 2002; Milner et al. 2004). We suggest, nevertheless, and in agreement with many other authors, that appropriate methods exist for isotopic analysis to be conducted on a solid basis. Procedures
Figure 2. Location of interior sites with marine remains (see table 4). Samples 16 includes sample 17.
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Table 2. Human Samples with Isotopic Data
No. and Sample 0–50 km from nearest coast 1 Posesio´n Olympia (# 1)
Distance to Coast (Km)
Dietary Class (% Marine Resources) Terrestrial
1
Posesio´n Olympia (# 2) Bahı´a Santiago Punta Delgada Punta Dungeness 5 Punta Daniel (#1) Cerro Johnny (# 1)
8
Cueva E. Trinidad
0
9
Puerto Natales
0
10
Lago Sofia 1 (# 1)
30
x
11
Lago Sofia 1 (# 2)
30
x
12
Lago Sofia 1 (# 3)
30
x
13
Lago Sofia 1 (# 4)
30
x
14 15
Punta Santa Ana Cabo Vı´rgenes 17 (# 1)
0 0
16 Cabo Vı´rgenes 17 (# 2) 17 Bahı´a Laredo 1 18 Canal Abra 19 Ponsonby 20 Isla Riesco (Ea. Lola) 21 Estancia La Costa 50–100 km from nearest coast 22 Juni Aike 6 23 Las Horquetas 24 Cerro Guido 25 Fortaleza 26 Cerro Sota
0 0 0 0 0 0
30
Puesto El Rodeo (# 2) Total
70 82 80 90 52
Marine
x (60)
2 3 4 5 6 7
27 Palermo Aike (# 1) 100–150 km from nearest coast 28 Estancia La Verde 150–200 km from nearest coast 29 Puesto El Rodeo (# 1)
1 2 0 2 2 45
Mixed
x x x x x
(30) (25) (50) (40)
x x (90) x (60)
x (75) x (30) x (60) x (80) x (40) x (100) x (80) x (20) x x x
Nineteenth-century context (Prieto 1993–94) Prieto (1993–94) Prieto (1993–94) Prieto (1993–94) Historic context (Massone 1979) Prieto (1993–94) 350 Ⳳ 90/480 Ⳳ 70 years BP (Martinic 1976) Nineteenth-century context (Prieto 1993–94) Nineteenth-century context (Prieto 1993–94) 3,950 Ⳳ 60/3,915 Ⳳ 60 years BP (Prieto 1991) 3,950 Ⳳ 60/3,915 Ⳳ 60 years BP (Prieto 1991) 3,950 Ⳳ 60/3,915 Ⳳ 60 years BP (Prieto 1991) 3,950 Ⳳ 60/3,915 Ⳳ 60 years BP (Prieto 1991) 6,540 Ⳳ 110 years BP 900 Ⳳ 40 years BP (Barberena, L’Heureux, and Borrero 2005) Barberena, L’Heureux, and Borrero (2005) Prieto (1993–94) Prieto (1993–94) Prieto (1993–94) Prieto (1993–94) Prieto (1993–94) Prieto (1993–94) Modern 14C age (Barberena 2002) Prieto (1993–94) 630 Ⳳ 60 years BP 3,755 Ⳳ 65/3,380 Ⳳ 70 years BP (Hedges et al. 1992) 1,120 Ⳳ 30 years BP (Cruz et al. 2000)
x (20) x
56
Chronology and Source
x (20)
150
x
Borrero et al. (2001)
195
x
195
x
1,380 Ⳳ 90 years BP⫹ (Gradin and Aguerre 1994) 1,380 Ⳳ 90 years BP⫹ (Gradin and Aguerre 1994)
13
12
5
∗
Note: , temporally associated with the other skeleton at the site; ⫹, date on associated charcoal.
to the different dietary classes appear, we can gain an unfor the treatment of bone and teeth samples in order to eliminate possible contaminants and isolate inappropriate samples have been developed (De Niro 1985; Ambrose 1990; Tykot, van de Merwe, and Hammond 1996; Koch, Tuross, and Fogel 1997; van Klinken 1999; Lee-Thorp 2000). Although some aspects of the metabolic processes are still unknown and further experimental work is needed, no clear case has been made against the validity of isotopic data (Hedges 2004). Finally, in relation to the
derstanding of the relation between marine resources in human subsistence and home-range dimensions (table 2). This methodological tool can be productively used to discuss the complexity of ecological systems, the degree of accuracy that can be achieved is directly associated with the available knowledge of the isotopic ecology. The information on local isotopic ecology briefly described here will be fully published elsewhere (Borrero et al. n.d.).
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Table 3. Descriptive Statistics of Isotopic Values of Human Remains d 13Ccol. N
d 15N Mean
Terrestrial 7 ⫺20.13 Mixed 13 ⫺15.8 Marine 2 12.12
d 13Capat.
d 13Cenamel
Range
N
Mean
Range
N
Mean
Range
N
Mean
Range
⫺21.61–⫺18.7
6
11.44
9.36–13.83
6
⫺14.54
⫺17.83–⫺7.1
3
⫺15.5
⫺16.1–⫺14.52
⫺18.15–⫺13.93
12
14.44
11.37–16.83
8
11.97
⫺14.26–⫺7.1
–
–
1
20.02
–
1
⫺10.19
–
3
⫺9.46
⫺13.24–⫺11
level and extent to which human mobility integrated coastal and interior environments, although it is not sensitive to mobility along the coast. Alternative lines of evidence should be used in considering this possibility. After briefly reviewing the patterns seen in southern Patagonia, we will focus on the Atlantic coast and the northern side of the Strait of Magellan, the area for which we have the most information. The descriptive statistics for the isotopic values of human remains are shown in table 3. All of the six samples coming from the Pacific indicate marine-based subsistence and come from sites right on the coast or even on adjacent islands; the maximum recorded distance from the nearest coast is a few hundred meters. The Strait of Magellan and Atlantic coastlines show a more variable situation, marked by the predominance of mixed diets. Intensity of consumption of marine resources ranges from 0 to 80% of the diet. There is also greater variability in the spatial distribution of samples. The maximum distance from the nearest coast at which a sample showing consumption of marine resources appears is 90 km. This sample comes from the Fortaleza site and indicates that at least 20% of the diet was provided by marine resources. A similar situation occurs at a distance of 56 km at the Palermo Aike site, also on the Atlantic coast (Cruz et al. 2000). Beyond 90 km all the samples show terrestrial diets (N p 16; see Ferna´ndez and Panarello 1994; Gon˜i, Barrientos, and Cassiodoro 2000–2002; Barberena 2002; Tessone et al. 2005). This distributional evidence might be used to support the ethnographic generalizations previously mentioned, since the samples that show the more intense dependence on marine resources systematically appear right on the coast or on adjacent islands, basically on the Pacific side. At the same time, some of the mixed diet samples appear farther from the coast. This pattern has already been discussed (Barberena 2002) and will not be treated further here. From now on we will focus on the samples from the Atlantic and Strait of Magellan coastlines, since we believe that they provide a good opportunity to learn about human mobility. Marine resources appear to be less intensively consumed in the central and eastern areas of southern Patagonia, but they clearly played an important dietary role. With the exception of sample 2, which shows a completely terrestrial diet, the other five samples show use of marine resources ranging
– ⫺11.1–⫺6.45
from 25% to 60% of the total protein consumed with a mean of 40%. Finally, and contrary to classic ethnohistoric accounts that depicted human populations routinely focused on the consumption of guanaco (e.g., Casamiquela 1991), we suggest that marine resources figured prominently in human subsistence. Accordingly, some human activities were carried out in coastal environments. In spatial terms, therefore, a relatively continuous use of a coastal strip of land of variable width is suggested by the isotopic data. The isotopic information can be compared with the spatial distribution of anthropically transported marine elements. This independent line of evidence may help to evaluate the extent to which correlations between marine and interior environments existed in the past. The available information on the presence of marine items at archaeological sites in the interior of southeastern Patagonia is presented in table 4. We chose a minimum distance of 10 km from the present coastline as the lower limit for the inclusion of samples. In order to draw behavioural inferences, it is necessary to take into account taphonomic processes or agents that may deposit these remains (Borrero 2005). All the cases included in table 4 have contextual information that suggests their anthropic deposition. Therefore, they constitute evidence of human interaction with coastal environments. There are very few interior sites containing marine elements, and most of the cases consist of isolated finds. Overall, the density of these remains is very low, pointing to the infrequent and discontinuous nature of human transport or exchange of these items. The only exception so far is the Orejas de Burro Cave, located 17 km from the nearest coast on the Pali Aike Volcanic Field (52⬚02⬘ S, 69⬚34⬘ W), where a small shell midden was found. At this site, currently under excavation, there is clear evidence of repeated transport and, we believe, consumption of marine shellfish. The record contrasts with the relatively continuous use of coastal environments suggested by isotopic information for the northern coast of the Strait of Magellan. Given that relatively intense consumption of marine resources has been isotopically recorded for human samples, the ethnographic pattern would suggest the prevalence of relatively small home ranges and a tendency toward a linear costal settlement pattern. This would in turn imply higher densities of artefactual and faunal remains on the coast, pro-
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Table 4. Marine Archaeological Items Located in the Interior
No.
Site
Distance to Coast (Km)
Archaeological Remains
Abundance
Chronology (Years BP) –
1
Alero de los Pescadores
80
Mussels and limpets
Fragments
2 3
Morro Philippi Fell Cave
67 46
Shellfish Several elements
1 Several
4 5 6 7
Potrok Aike Juni Aike El Volca´n 4 Orejas de Burro 1
68 70 36 17
Mussel Cetacean bone Mytilus sp. Shellfish
1 1 1 Thousands
8
Las Buitreras
Mytilus sp.
Hundreds
9 10 11 12
Los Toldos 2 Los Toldos 3 Alero del Ocre Arroyo Feo
ca. 90 ca. 90 ca. 140 ca. 250
Fisurella sp. Volutidae sp., Mytilus sp. Fisurella sp. Mytilus sp. Photinula caerulescens
2 2 2 1
Upper layers Upper layers – 1,660 Ⳳ 50 1,885 Ⳳ 40
13
La Martita, cave 4
ca. 130
1
2,190 Ⳳ 115
14 15
Punta Bonita 2 Tom Gould
ca. 140 37
Pachycymbiola cf. Ferussacili Aulacomya sp., Fisurella sp. Shellfish
2 1
16 17
Pali Aike Pali Aike 2
Fisurella sp., shellfish Shellfish
4 3
18
Can˜ado´n Leona
Limpets
8
2,540 Ⳳ 70 250 Ⳳ 120 470 Ⳳ 130 Upper layers 220 Ⳳ 45 900 Ⳳ 45 2,130 Ⳳ 80 2,280 Ⳳ 60
ca. 80
24 24 ca. 35
685 3,475 740 850 3,600 490 620 670 750
– Ⳳ Ⳳ Ⳳ Ⳳ Ⳳ Ⳳ Ⳳ Ⳳ Ⳳ
90 100 180 40 100 130 200 60 60
References Molina (1969–70); Nami (1999) Ortiz-Troncoso (1973) Bird (1988); Emperaire, Laming, and Reichlen (1963) Go´mez Otero (1993) Go´mez Otero (1993) Sanguinetti (1984) Guerra de Fretes (1977); this work Caviglia and Figuerero Torres (1976); Sanguinetti (1976); Prieto (1999) Miotti (1998) Miotti (1998) Miotti (1998) Gradin, Aschero, and Aguerre (1979); Silveira (1979); Miotti (1998) Miotti (1998); Horovitz (2003) Carballo et al. (1999) Massone (1989–90) Bird (1988) Massone and Hidalgo (1981) Bird (1988); Prieto et al. (1998)
Note: The level of precision of taxonomic determinations depends on the type of published data.
ducing a record like that seen in southern Tierra del Fuego (Orquera and Piana 1999) and at certain places on the island’s eastern coast (e.g., Punta Marı´a [Borrero 1985]). Investigating the extent to which these predictions are met by the southern Patagonian archaeological record is a way of gaining a deeper understanding of the signature that processes of this kind may have had in the long term. Archaeofaunal evidence will be used in two ways: as an independent line of analysis that can be correlated with isotopic data to produce a more complex subsistence reconstruction and as the basis for a qualitative measure of the intensity of human use of particular environments and their resources. Given that the existence of marine-oriented huntergatherer groups has been associated with a predominantly linear axis in the structure of settlement patterns (Osborn 1977; Yesner 1980), the presence of a coastal strip of land with higher densities of remains in relation to interior areas is expected. Given the availability of appropriate samples, we limit the archaeofaunal discussion of the coastal record to the southeastern section of the area. Detailed archaeofaunal studies are available for sites on the northern coast of the Strait of Magellan (Massone 1979, 1984) and for the southern Atlantic coast (Borrero and Franco 2000; L’Heureux and Franco
2002). On the basis of radiocarbon dating and geomorphological location, we selected the faunal samples belonging to the Late Holocene. Faunistic evidence from sites in Cabo Vı´rgenes shows the predominance of marine mammals and birds—Otaria flavescens, Phalacrocorax atriceps, and Spheniscus magellanicus (Borrero and Franco 2000; L’Heureux and Franco 2002). With the exception of Punta Dungeness 2 (Massone 1979), which presents a high frequency of guanaco remains, marine resources provide, on average, 80% of the bones recovered. The local scarcity of terrestrial mammal remains, basically guanaco, is remarkable given that they predominate at most sites in interior Patagonia. Since isotopic analyses show a systematic consumption of both marine and terrestrial resources, this is an interesting difference. Patterns of subsistence and mobility, sampling strategies, and taphonomic biases are the most likely causes behind this difference.2 Taphonomic investigations carried out at Cabo Vı´rgenes and at the regional level suggest that differential preservation of terrestrial versus marine animal bones does 2. Methodological problems in isotopic analysis have also been signaled to be responsible for such differences (Bailey and Milner 2002).
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Table 5. Faunal Information from Coastal Sites Terrestrial Remains
Marine Remains Sea Lion
Birds
Fish
Guanaco
Site
Level
Total
NISP
%
NISP
%
NISP
%
San Gregorio 2 San Gregorio 5
1 1 2 3a 3b 5 2 1 S1 S2 AS4 Site
7 24 6 32 15 4 120 86 26 152 224 783
– – – – – – – 43 20 6 11 47
– – – – – – – 50 77 4 5 6
7 3 – 20 8 1 – 37 5 99 155 551
100 12.5 – 62.5 53 25 – 43 19.2 65 69 70
– – – 1 – – – 1 – – – –
– – – 3 – – – 1 – – –
Posesio´n 3
Dungeness 2 Cabo Vı´rgenes 1 Cabo Vı´rgenes 2 Cabo Vı´rgenes 6
Rodents
Mammals
NISP
%
NISP
%
NISP
%
11 3 1 – – 120 – – 2 2 10
– 46 50 3 – – 100 – – 1.3 0.9 1.3
– 10 3 10 7 3 – 5 – 38 51 153
– 42 50 31 47 75 – 6 – 25 23 19.5
– – – – – – – – 1 7 5 22
– – – – – – – – 3.8 4.6 2.2 2.8
Sources: For San Gregorio, Posesio´n, and Dungeness, Massone (1979); for Cabo Vı´rgenes 1 and 2, Borrero and Franco (2000); for Cabo Vı´rgenes 6, L’Heureux and Franco (2002).
not explain this pattern (L’Heureux and Borrero 2002; Borrero 2005). At the same time, since the regional sampling strategies covered all the geomorphic units homogeneously, sampling bias cannot be postulated as the main explanation. We suggest that this evidence supports the existence of home ranges that connected the Atlantic coast with interior areas at variable distances,3 where terrestrial mammals may have been more regularly consumed and their remains deposited. On the basis of the ethnographic patterns, the dietary importance of marine resources should be associated with reduced mobility. In turn, this should condition heterogeneity in the archaeological record in terms of density of remains. A coastal strip of land of variable width should present a comparatively higher density of remains. Nevertheless, low density is one of the main properties of the archaeological 3. Technological observations on lithic artefacts also support this explanation (Franco 2005).
record of the southern Atlantic coast (tables 5 and 6 [Barberena, L’Heureux, and Borrero 2005]). A more intense human use of coastal areas in comparison with the adjacent interior cannot be suggested (Massone 1979; Borrero and Franco 2000; L’Heureux and Franco 2002). The northern coast of the central Strait of Magellan presents some differences in comparison with the Atlantic, since some of the sites are more spatially continuous (Massone 1979, 1984). Nevertheless, the sites are generally shallow, implying localized and perhaps redundant but not intensive occupation. To explain this, we suggest that population nodes were located in the interior because guanacos, the most predictable resource year-round, were more abundant there (table 7). As isotopic information suggests, marine resources were systematically consumed and had an important role in subsistence, but they were part of a predominantly terrestrial subsistence
Table 6. Radiocarbon Chronology for Coastal Sites Site Punta Dungeness 2 Punta Dungeness 2 Punta Dungeness 4 Cabo Vı´rgenes 1 Cabo Vı´rgenes 2 Cabo Vı´rgenes 4 Cabo Vı´rgenes 6 Cabo Vı´rgenes 6 Cabo Vı´rgenes 6 S3 Cabo Vı´rgenes 7 Cabo Vı´rgenes 8 Cabo Vı´rgenes 8 Cabo Vı´rgenes 17
Lab Code GAK-8284 GAK-8285 DIC-2166 AC-1523 GX-25276-G GX-27864-AMS GX-25772 Beta-144998 Beta-144999 GX-25773-AMS GX-25774 GX-27868-AMS GX-27867-AMS
Date 360 1,590 900 1,380 1,050 2,000 1,190 1,170 1,160 160 120 240 900
Ⳳ Ⳳ Ⳳ Ⳳ Ⳳ Ⳳ Ⳳ Ⳳ Ⳳ Ⳳ Ⳳ Ⳳ Ⳳ
90 110 60 180 70 40 60 50 70 40 55 40 40
Sample
Source
Charcoal Charcoal Whale bone Mytilus sp. shells O. flavescens bone L. guanicoe bone Charcoal Charcoal O. flavescens bone L. guanicoe bone Charcoal L. guanicoe bone Human bone
Massone (1979) Massone (1979, 1984) Massone (1983) Borrero and Franco (2000) Borrero and Franco (2000) Borrero and Franco (2000) Borrero and Franco (2000) Borrero and Franco (2000) Borrero and Franco (2000) Borrero and Franco (2000) Borrero and Franco (2000) Borrero and Franco (2000) Borrero and Franco (2000)
863
Table 7. Faunal Information from Sites in the Interior Guanaco Site
Level
Las Buitreras
II
179
3
670 Ⳳ 60
III
516
3
750 Ⳳ 60
Upper
575
5
1 740 Ⳳ 180
229 378 553 447 645 279
7 8 5 4 4 8
ca. 15,000 153
– 2
Potrok Aike MSM4 GSLN (pie) Cerro de los Indios 1 (area 1) Cerro de los Indios 1 (area 2) Campo del Lago 2 Co´ndor 1 Cerro Verlika 1
3a 3b 6
1–3 Upper
NISP
base. Work that is being conducted in the interior, particularly in the Pali Aike Volcanic Field, is beginning to show traces of intensive and localized human occupation (Martin, Barberena, and Borrero 2005). A comparison of the coastal and interior archaeological records of different parts of the world may inform us about the modal geographic location of residential or demographic nodes of people consuming marine resources. In order to avoid misinterpretations, the obtrusiveness of some coastal resources—e.g., shellfish—has to be taken into account (Bailey 1999; Stein, Deo, and Phillips 2003). Furthermore, the linear structure of the coastal record may amplify the impression of intensive occupation. Taking these factors into account, some coastal places on other continents still appear as nodes in a distributional sense. In relation to the Late Holocene record of the Australian continent, for example, Mulvaney and Kamminga (1999, 275) suggests that “along coasts where marine and littoral resources were accessible and abundant, human population density was commonly three to four times greater than it was immediately inland.” The cases of the Cape York Peninsula in the northeast Cape Otway in southern Victoria, Arnhem Land, and southeastern Queensland can be mentioned (Lourandos 1997; Mulvaney and Kamminga 1999; Keen 2003). What is interesting here is that the importance of marine resources may have been variable for subsistence, but nevertheless coastal locations were more attractive for human occupation than the interior. In southeastern Queensland both the ethnographic and archaeological records show marine-oriented societies. Moreover, “populations of the coast and islands appear to have been relatively sedentary and local communities had constructed huts strategically at intervals of between five to six km along the coast” (Lourandos 1997, 57). This evidence notwithstanding, the available isotopic information from the Broadbeach cemetery
MNI
Chronology
1860 970 2310 990 1420 1660 2940 3100 965 1685
Ⳳ Ⳳ Ⳳ Ⳳ Ⳳ Ⳳ Ⳳ Ⳳ Ⳳ Ⳳ
40 40 50 110 50 60 90 70 40 70
Reference Caviglia and Figuerero Torres (1976); Prieto, Stutz, and Pastorino (1999) Caviglia and Figuerero Torres (1976); Prieto, Stutz, and Pastorino (1999) Go´mez Otero (1986–87) Savanti, Bourlot, and Aragone (2005) Savanti, Bourlot, and Aragone (2005) Mengoni Gon˜alons (1999) Mengoni Gon˜alons (1999) De Nigris (2000) Mun˜oz (1999) Martin, Barberena, and Borrero (2005) Franco et al. (1999)
shows that terrestrial resources were as important as marine resources (Hobson and Collier 1984; Collier and Hobson 1987). These isotopic results are similar to those for southern Patagonia, the contrast being that the demographic nodes are located on the coast during the Late Holocene (ca. the past 2,000 years [Mulvaney and Kamminga 1999, 281]). Southern Africa presents similar situations. On the Tsitsikama coast, at places like Klasies River and Cape Saint Francis, and on the southern Cape, contacts with the interior were important, with exploitation of marine resources starting after 6,000 years BP, with “increasingly smaller, more stationary home ranges” (Mitchell 2002a, 175; Sealy and Pfeiffer 2000) and culminating in year-round residence on the coast. Settlement data strongly suggest that western Cape populations were oriented toward the coast (Mitchell 2002a, 182; 2002b). Stable isotope data indicate the existence of “many [burials] from the coast with signatures implying close on 100 per cent marine diets, as well as a few inland burials with strongly terrestrial signatures” (Mitchell 2002a, 182). Therefore, for regions of Australia and Southern Africa there is substantial evidence pointing to coastal areas as demographic nodes from which use of the larger surrounding landscape was articulated. We suggest that the southern Patagonian case shows a different picture, in which, notwithstanding the relevance of marine remains for subsistence, organizational nodes were located in the interior. Although these nodes do not suggest the existence of less mobile systems, this may help to explain the absence of traces of intense coastal occupation and mobility reduction in the light of isotopic and faunistic data that show the importance of marine resources in subsistence.
Conclusions The combination of different lines of archaeological inquiry
864
suggests an important role for marine foods, a low intensity of human use of coastal habitats, and a very limited distribution of marine items in the interior. What this indicates, then, is that the coastal habitats were used in a transient form, one in which the intensity of occupation was usually below the intensity of use of interior sites. Moreover, it shows an exception to some of the more important ethnographic generalizations offered at the beginning of this paper. No sedentary trend and not even a hint of a reduction in mobility can be inferred from the evidence presented here. However, the introduction of marine foods was significant. Home ranges deduced from the distribution of human remains with isotopic data are not very large in terms of distance from the sea but do not imply any significant human packing. The combined result of all this evidence is that the low human population inferred from the archaeological record is a critical variable that needs to be accounted for in general models. Yesner (1996) correctly highlights that it is not population density per se but long-term population persistence that needs to be assessed in discussing long-term adaptive success. In terms of persistence of human adaptations to the coastal environment, our data are still too limited to provide a final answer. However, we feel confident in pointing out that a discontinuity in human occupation is evident. Very small sites, almost complete lack of redundancy in the use of places, and long temporal archaeological gaps are all indicators of discontinuity in the use of coastal environments. The coastal Patagonian record differs from those studied in other southern cases or in the Aleutians (Yesner 1996) or Scandinavia (Bergsvik 2001). Although some of the evidence presented here needs further refinement and discussion, we suggest that we have pointed out some valid general aspects of the Late Holocene Patagonian archaeological record that can be used as a basis for further, more detailed comparative work.
Acknowledgments This research has been supported by the Consejo de Investigaciones Cientı´ficas y Te´cnicas (PIP-4596), the Agencia Nacional de Investigaciones Cientı´ficas y Te´cnicas (Pict N⬚ 049498), and the University of Buenos Aires (UBACYT F133). We thank the members of our team for their help and advice during field and lab work and Atilio Zangrado for valuable comments on the original text. Anonymous revisions of the paper and comments from the editor of CA helped to develop and organize it.
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