Paris, 25/11/2010

BAALL's First Conference on Afroasiatic Grammar

Templatic restrictions in Berber derivational morphology Mohamed Lahrouchi CNRS – Université Paris 8 UMR 7023 [email protected]

I. Overview (1) State

"boy / girl" "manure / country" "mouse"

Free State masculine feminine afrux tafruxt amazir tamazirt a“rda ta“rdat

Construct State masculine feminine ufrux tfruxt umazir tmazirt u“rda t“rdat

*tufruxt *tumazirt *tu“rdat

- Free State a- alternates with Construct State u- Free State ta- alternates with Construct State t(2) Causative, imperfective

"arrive" "stand up" "hide"

Aorist lkm nkr ntl

Verb Imperfective lkkm nkkr nttl

Aorist sslkm ssnkr ssntl

Causative Imperfective sslkam ssnkar ssntal

*sslkkm *ssnkkr *ssnttl

Imperfective forms resist gemination when causativized: Verbs that form their imperfective by means of gemination in the base form undergo vowel insertion when causativized. (3) Purpose Show that the co-occurrence restrictions that certain morphemes undergo are the result of templatic constraints: - A specific templatic site is responsible for the non-occurrence of Gender and Construct State markers in the same form. - Geminating the medial consonant in causative forms leads to prohibited multi-headedness. II. Templates (4) McCarthy (1979, 1981) Verbal templates: √ktb "write"

Classical Arabic

Form

Template

I II III IV VII

CVCVC CVCCVC CVVCVC CVCCVC CCVCVC

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katab kattab kaatab /aktab nkatab

(5) Guerssel & Lowenstamm (1990), Lowenstamm (2003) One template: Heads

C VAff C V C VDS C V C V (6) kattab "he made write"/ kaatab "he corresponded" / nkasar "it broke" a.

k t | | C V C V C V C | a

c.

n

b | V C V

b.

k t b | | | C V C V C V C V C V | a

k s r | | | C V C V C V C V C V | a

(7) Only one head position is identified in each form. The identification of both head positions leads to ill-formedness. kasar "he broke" / kassar "he shattered" (intensive) nkasar "it broke" / *nkassar "it shattered" *nkassar is ill-formed because headed twice (both heads are identified in a single form). (8) Strict CV approach to syllable structure - “[…] the syllable structure of all languages reduces to CV.” (Lowenstamm 1996: 419) - The skeletal level of phonological representations consists of strict alternations of onset and nucleus positions, i.e. C and V positions. - The differences in the surface syllable types lie in the lateral relations that segments share. Proper Government is one such relation that allows a vocalic position to remain empty when followed by a vowel. See Scheer (2004) for details and discussion

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III. State and Gender alternations1 (9) "boy / girl" "manure / country" "ox / cow" "pigeon" "reed, fishing rod" "mouse"

MS afrux amazir afunas atbir a“alim a“rda

FS FM tafruxt tamazirt tafunast tatbirt ta“alimt ta“rdat

CS MS ufrux umazir ufunas utbir u“alim u“rda

FM tfruxt tmazirt tfunast ttbirt t“alimt t“rdat

*tufruxt *tumazirt *tufunast *tutbirt *tu“alimt *tu“rdat

(10) Distribution of markers Gender: t prefixed and suffixed to the stem marks the feminine States: Free State vs. Construct State FS SG

(11) State alternation a. iSSa ufrux eat:3MS boy.CS-NOM "The boy ate bread"

CS

MS

FM

MS

FM

a-

t-a-

u-

t-

a“rum bread.FS-ACC

b.

afrux iSSa boy.CS-NOM eat:3MS "The boy ate bread"

a“rum bread.FS-ACC

c.

ittSa eat-passive:3MS "Bread was eaten"

d.

iSSa a“rum eat:3MS bread. FS-ACC "He ate bread"

e.

a“rum /n bread-FS of ‘The boy’s bread"

f.

iSSa tijmi s eat:3MS SG sauce-FS with "He ate sauce with bread"

u“rum bread.CS

ufrux/ → [uufrux] boy-CS u“rum bread-CS

Abbreviations: FS = free state, CS = construct state, MS= masculine, FM = feminine, SG = singular, NOM = nominative, ACC = accusative. 1

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g.

iga tammnt “ put:3MS SG honey-FS in "He put honey in the bread"

h.

tammnt d u“rum and bread-CS honey-FS "Honey and bread"

i.

/sin ifrxan/ → [si:jfrxan] / two boy-CS, MS, PL "Two boys" CS:

FS:

u“rum bread-CS

snat tfrxin two girl-CS, FM, PL "two girls"

- Subject NPs in VSO sentences - NPs complements of light prepositions: d "and", s "with, by", “ "in", etc. - NPs complements of quantifiers jan "one", sin "two", etc. Elsewhere

Works on State alternations: Achab (2003); Bader & Kenstowicz (1987); Bendjaballah & Haiden (2008); Dell & Jebbour (1991); El Moujahid (1997); Ennaji (2001); Guerssel (1992b, 1995); Ouhalla (1988, 1996), among others. (12)

- Why the FM marker t- never co-occurs with the CS marker u-? - Why afrux vs. ufrux, but tafruxt vs. tfruxt (not *tufruxt)?

(13) State / Case Guerssel (1992b: 175) “[…] the concept of State has no validity as a theoretical notion, […] what has been labeled a Construct State form is either a Determiner Phrase, or a Kase Phrase where the head K is not realized”.

a- is a kind of “porte-manteau” morpheme. See also Ouhalla (1988).

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(14) Prosodic deficiency of the CS (Bendjaballah & Haiden 2008) axxam vs w´xxam "house" / θaxxamθ vs θ´xxamθ "room" a.

FS: axxam CV CV

CV A

c.

b. CV x

CV

CV

A

m

CV

CV

FS: θaxxamθ CV CV CV

d. CV

CV

CV

θ

A

A

m

θ

x

CV

CS: w´xxam CV CV CV

CV

CV

U

A

m

CS: θ´xxamθ CV C V CV

CV

CV

CV

θ

A

m

θ

x

x

FS A- identifies the first two CV units in the template (14a). CS U- is associated to only one CV unit, resulting in a prosodic deficiency (14b). The feminine marker θ- attaches to the outer CV in the FS form (14c), but to the inner CV in the CS form (14d). (15) When complement to light prepositions, the empty CV in the template of CS hosts light prepositions. gθ´xxamθ "in the room" P D P

D

CV

CV

g

θ

(16) Proposal:

X CV

CV x

C V A

CV

CV

m

θ

The co-occurrence restrictions that the CS and Gender markers exhibit result from templatic constraints.

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(17) t- and w- compete for the same position in the template.2 a. w f r x b. t f r x t | | | | | | | C V C V C V C V C V C V C V C V C V | | u u c.

f r x d. | | | C V C V C V C V | | a u -

-

t

f r x t | | | | C V C V C V C V C V | | a u

CS ufrux and tfruxt appear in (17a) and (17b) FS afrux and tafruxt appear in (17c) and (17d) Only one affixal C is available in the initial position of the template. Gender ttakes precedence over CS w- (17b and 17d). When t- is absent, w- appears (17a). Parallel is drawn in the CS between t- and w-, and in the FS between a- and ta(see also Achab (2003: 8)). Given (17c) and (17d), the parallel should also be drawn between wa- and ta-, since the empty initial C in (17c) could host w-, leading to *wafrux. In Tashlhiyt Berber, many words exhibit the prefix wa-: e.g. wabiba "mosquito", wabʒir "mallow", waʃʃ "awful", wafud "knee", wakuz "weevil", wamsa "anise", wazzwit "afternoon tea". Some of them coexist with variants without glide: afud, akuz (further examples are provided in Brugnatelli 1998).3 The parallel between wa- and ta- is also found in demonstratives such as walli "the one who (ms)" vs talli "the one who (fm)".

(18)

DP, NP raising to D (Abney 1987, Ritter 1991, Longobardi 1994, Ouhalla 1988 for Berber, Alexiadou et al. 2007), Head Movement (Chomsky 1986). On Gender Phrase, cf. Bernstein (1993: 129), Alexiadou et al. (2007: 259). On the absence of GenP in DP, cf. Ritter (1993); see also Shlonsky (2004).

2 w surfaces as [u], when followed by a consonant. In Tashlhiyt Berber, any word-initial glide (w, j) surfaces as a high vowel ([u], [i]) when followed by a consonant, and remains unchanged when followed by a vowel (e.g. ifta "he went" / jufa "he found"). This is also true in word-final position, a glide surfaces as a high vowel when preceded by a consonant (e.g. kmi "smoke", xlu "destroy"); it remains unchanged when preceded by a vowel (e.g. akmmaj "smoker", amxlaw "mad"). 3 Vychil (1957), and Brugnatelli (1997) and (1998) reconstruct wa- as a determiner/demonstrative. Currently, wa- is used as a vocative.

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(19) Assuming DP hypothesis and Head-Movement approach, the competition between Gender t- and Det w- in Berber is analysed as shown below:

An alternative to GenP is possible with nP, where little n spells out as Gender (on n and Gender, see for instance Lowenstamm 2008). IV. Geminated Imperfective Gemination in the Imperfective concerns verbs containing no more than three consonants and no full vowels, except in the final position. (20)

Aorist

Imperfective

a.

"be damaged" "stand up" "hunt"

xsr nkr gwmr

xssr nkkr gwmmr

b.

"plough" "scratch" "tie"

krz xrb krf

kkrz xxrb kkrf

Previous accounts of Geminated Imperfective: Dell & Elmedlaoui (1988, 2002); Bensoukas (2001); Jebbour (1996, 1999); Lahrouchi (2008), among others.

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(21) C-spreading into CVDS l k m | | | C V C V C V C V -

CVAff is omitted since unidentified. Segments are associated to the template from the edges-inward (Yip 1988), resulting in the gemination of the medial consonant.

(22) Sonority effect: Any segment is prohibited to geminate in the imperfective if it is the most sonorous segment in the root. (See Lahrouchi 2008: 35 for discussion) Aorist C | k

V

C | r

V

Imperfective C | f

V

a.

C | k

V

C

V

C | r

V

C | f

V

b.

C | k

V

C

V //

C | r

V

C | f

V

c.

C | k

V

C

V

C | r [kkrf]

V

C | f

V

(23) Action nouns: further evidence for sonority effect Certain action nouns display a uniform pattern: aCCaC, where the medial consonant is either simple or geminated depending on its sonority. Verb rd≥l bzg ntl

a.

"lend" "swell up" "hide"

b.

"tighten" frg "be ashamed" mrg "sort out" frn

Action Noun artt≥al abzzag anttal afrag amrag afran

V. Causative Imperfective - Causative verbs are built by means of a monoconsonantal prefix s- attached to the stem. Depending on the properties of the stem, the prefix is realized as a single or geminated segment. It is argued in Lahrouchi (2003) that an initial templatic site is responsible for the size variation of the prefix. - The initial templatic site coincides with CVAff in (5). - In the Imperfective, causative forms all use vowel insertion; while their bases use gemination or affixation (see examples in (24).

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(24) a. "be damaged" "stand up" "hide"

Verb Aorist Imperfective xsr xssr nkr nkkr ntl nttl

Causative Aorist Imperfective ssxsr ssxsar *ssxssr ssnkr ssnkar *ssnkkr ssntl ssntal *ssnttl

b. "pick up" "sit down" "change"

ruħ gawr badl

sruħ sgawr sbadl

ttruħ ttgawar ttbadal

sruħ sgawar sbadal

*ttsruħ *ttsgawar *ttsbadal

The ungrammatical forms in the rightmost column are of two types: - The forms in (24b), where imperfective and causative prefixes compete for the same position in the template, i.e. CVAff. - The forms in (24a), which involve the identification of both head positions (CVAff and CVDS) at the same time, leading to an undesired multi-headed structure. (25) a.

ssnkr s n | | C V C V C V C

b. k r | | V C V C V

sbadal b d l s | | | | C V C V C V C V C V | | a a

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