OCP 8, Marrakech, January 19th 2011

Root-and-template morphology: evidence from secret languages in Berber and Moroccan Arabic Mohamed LAHROUCHI CNRS-Université Paris 8 [email protected] Philippe SEGERAL Université Paris 7-CNRS [email protected]

(1) Consonantal root a. The root is a grammatical morpheme entirely made of consonants. Words are decomposed into consonantal roots, combined with other morphemes (vocalic melodies, affixes, prosodic templates). From linguists of the Middle Ages (Sibawayh) to McCarthy (1979, 1981), Frost et al. (2000), Prunet et al. (2000), Prunet (2006), Idrissi et al. (2008), etc. b. No need of such an abstract morpheme; words are derived from other words. Ratcliffe (1987), Hammond (1988), Dell & Elmedlaoui (1992), Bat-El (1994), Ussishkin (1999), etc. (2) Root in Berber a. Morphological operations in Berber mainly use the consonantal root as the inputbase to derivation (cf. among others Basset 1929, Cantineau 1950, Chaker 1990, Galand 1988, Idrissi 2001, Lahrouchi 2010, Lahrouchi & Ségéral 2009, 2010). b. In certain cases, however, consonants and vowels seem to share lexical information, suggesting that words in Berber should not be decomposed into consonantal roots, and that they are derived from other words (cf. among others Moktadir 1989, Dell & Jebbour 1991, Dell & Elmedlaoui 1992, Bensoukas 2001). (3) Two secret languages used by women in Tashlhiyt Berber a. TAQJMIT (from Ar. al ʕaʒamija ‘foreign language’), Isouktane SW Morocco (original data, Lahrouchi & Ségéral 2009) b. TAGNAWT (‘dump’), Tiznit SW Morocco (data from Douchaïna 1996, 1998) (4) Our claim Users of these languages have access to root consonants from words and use them as the input-base to derivation. * (5) Data (survey) a.

(3 root Cs)

b.

(2 root Cs)

c.

(1 root C)

Tashlhiyt krf afrux amzˁ anf su i-ga

*

*

TAQJMIT tikkarfjurf tiffarxjurx timmazˁjuzˁi tinnafjufi tissawiwi tiggawiwi

(6) Outline I. Triconsonantal forms II. Bi- and monoconsonantal forms III. Quadriconsonantal forms IV. Lghos, a Moroccan Arabic secret language

-1-

TAGNAWT ajkkarfwarf ajffarxwarx ajttamzˁwamzˁ ajttanfwanf ajssatwatti ajggatwatti

tie boy hold, catch avoid drink he is

OCP 8, Marrakech, January 19th 2011

I. Triconsonantal forms (7)

a.

b.

Tashlhiyt skr sawl i-ksudˁ t-afrux-t t-aknari-t n-sˁbr l-ħml

TAGNAWT ajssakrwakr ajssawlwawl ajkkasdˁwasdˁ ajffarxwarx ajkkanrwanr ajssˁabrwabr ajħħamlwaml

do speak he is afraid girl prickly pear we endure burden, load

Tashlhiyt frħ krf i-ksudˁ t-amɣar-t t-afrux-t l-axbar l-ħsn m-bark

TAQJMIT tiffarħjurħ tikkarfjurf tikkasdˁjusdˁ timmaɣrjuɣr tiffarxjurx tixxabrjubr tiħħasnjusn tibbarkjurk

be happy tie he is afraid woman girl news proper noun proper noun

(8) Derivation Tashlhiyt → TAQJMIT, TAGNAWT (informal description) a. deletion of affixes and vowels = only root consonants are kept b. prefixation i. ti- in TAQJMIT ii. aj- in TAGNAWT c. gemination of R1 d. insertion of a after geminated R1 e. infixation after R3 i. -ju- in TAQJMIT ii. -wa- in TAGNAWT f. reduplication to the right of R2 and R3 (9) Uniform patterns a. TAQJMIT b. TAGNAWT

ti aj

R1 R1 R1 R1

a a

R2 R2

R3 R3

ju wa

R2 R2

R3 R3

(10) Uniform vocalization1 a. TAQJMIT i-a-u b. TAGNAWT a (11) Repetition: each R is repeated twice; gemination of R1 and reduplication of R2 and R3 (12) TAQJMIT template2

R2

R1

R3

t C v C v C v C v C v C

I 1 2

R2

R3

I v C v C v C v C

A

v C

U

For an interpretation of vocalization in TAQJMIT, see Lahrouchi & Ségéral (2009). For the representation of peripheral vowels (a, i, u) as phonologically long, see Lahrouchi & Ségéral (2010).

-2-

v

OCP 8, Marrakech, January 19th 2011

(13) TAGNAWT template

R1

R2

R3

I

C v C v C v

R2

R3

U

C

v C v C v

C

v

C

v C v C v

C

v

C

v

A (14) Note about j = R3 in TAGNAWT izˤduj ajzˤzˤadwaddi be heavy fruri ajffarwarri pick grapes off imzˤij ajmmazˤwazˤzˤi be small a. vocalisation: /j/ → [i] / C __ # b. non-realization of R3 = j (before the infixed -wa-): ajzˤzˤadwaddi, not *ajzˤzˤadjwadi / *ajzˤzˤadiwadi c. systematic gemination of the image of R2: ajzˤzˤadwaddi, ajffarwarri, ajmmazˤwazˤzˤi... (15)
Users of TAQJMIT and TAGNAWT are able to extract all and only R consonants from Tashlhiyt forms *

*

*

II. Bi- and monoconsonantal forms (16)

Tashlhiyt a. biadˁn anf amzˤ i-fl sala kl b. mono- ili i-zzˁa ʃʃ kk t-ʒʒi-t is

TAGNAWT √ TGNWT ajttadˁnwadˁn tdˁn ajttanfwanf tnf ajttamzˤwamzˤ tmz ajffalwalli flII ajssalwalli slII ajkkalwalli klII ajttalwalli tlII ajzzˁatwatti zˁtI tI ajʃʃatwatti ʃtI tI ajkkatwatti ktI tI ajʒʒatwatti ʒtI tI ajssatwatti stI tI

it hurts avoid catch he left be busy spend the day be he chased eat cross you recovered interr. "do"

(17) a. epenthesis of I as R3 (biconsonantals):

R1 R2 Ø → R1 R2 I

b. epenthesis of t as R1 (biconsonantals): Ø R2 R3 → t R2 R3 c. epenthesis of I as R3, and t as R1 or R2 (monoconsonantals)

-3-

OCP 8, Marrakech, January 19th 2011

(18)

a. biconsonantal

t R1

R2 R2

R3 j

R2 R2

I

R3 j

U

C v C v C v

C

v C v C v

C

v

C

v C v C v

C

v

C

A b. monoconsonantal t R1

R2 t

j j

R2 t

I

j j

U

C v C v C v

C

v C v C v C v C v C v C v C v C v

A (19)

Tashlhiyt gn ɣr igr ils ʕiʃa g af asi ini immi

a. bi-

b. mono-

(20)

TAQJMIT tigganjuni tiɣɣarjuri tiggarjuri tillasjusi tiʕʕaʃjuʃi tiggawiwi tiffawiwi tissawiwi tinnawiwi timmawiwi

sleep read field tongue proper noun be find take, carry say my mother

a. biconsonantal

R1

R2

R2

t

R3

I

C v C v C v C v C v C

I

v C v C v C v C

U

A

-4-

v C

v

v

OCP 8, Marrakech, January 19th 2011

b. monoconsonantal R1

R2

t

R3

I

C v C v C v C v C v C

I

v C v C v C v C

A

v C

v

U

(21) Taqjmit: NO epenthesis!
The lacking root material is replaced with Elements I and U of the affix -ju- 3 (22) Bi and monoconsonantal forms show that users of TAQJMIT and TAGNAWT are able to not only extract the consonantal root but also build it, making it triconsonantal by means of epenthesis or affix rearrangement. III. Quadriconsonantal forms (23)

a.

b.

(24)

Tashlhiyt gʒdr aglzim asrdun asngar

TAGNAWT ajggaʒdwaʒd ajggazmwazm ajssadnwadn ajssagrwagr

√ gʒ dr glzm srdn sngr

moan pickaxe mule corn

Tashlhiyt brahim kltum

TAQJMIT tibbarhjurh tikkatmjutm

brhm kltm

proper noun id.

a. one root consonant is dropped4 b. templates: the same as in (12) and (13).

(25) Key points: a. Users of TAGNAWT and TAQJMIT have access to the consonantal root; they are able to extract all and only R consonants from Tashlhiyt forms and use them as the inputbase to derivation. b. The consonantal root and the template prove necessary to understanding the morphological operations leading to disguised forms. *

*

*

IV. Lghos5, Moroccan Arabic (26) LGHOS, meaning 'diving', is a Moroccan Arabic secret language. The variety at hand is found in Safi, 250 km. south of Casablanca. Data are taken from Lapanne-Joinville (1955) and Laataoui (2000); see also Youssi (1977), Berjaoui (2008).

3

The reason why I and U surface as –wiwi, and not as –juju, remains opaque to us. Some quadriconsonantals remain quadriconsonantals in Tagnawt, but the vowel a after R1 is replaced with ə: e.g. xurbʃ → ajxxərbʃwabʃ (further data and analysis are provided in Lahrouchi & Ségéral 2010). 5 We are grateful to A. Boumalk and Albayane for their valuable assistance. 4

-5-

OCP 8, Marrakech, January 19th 2011

(27) a.

tri-

i.

CCC

ii.

CCj

iii. CwC b.

bi-

Moroccan Arabic fərruʒ ʒəllaba kbir i-kbər səllum i-ʃri i-ʒri t-əmʃi i-kmi kan / i-kun kal / j-akul i-ħall

LGHOS firəʒwirəʒ ʒiləbwiləb kibərwibər ikibərwibər siləmwiləm iʃiriwiri iʒiriwiri tmiʃiwiʃi ikimiwimi ikiwənwiwən ikiwəlwiwəl iħiwəlwiwəl

rooster djellaba great he grows up ladder he buys he runs she walks he smokes he was / he is he ate / he eats he opens

(28) Moroccan Arabic → LGHOS: observations a. Prefix: as in TAQJMIT and TAGNAWT, the template in LGHOS includes a prefix site; original personal markers are kept in the disguised forms (I-, t- / #__) b. Geminates in the source forms are not kept in the disguised forms:6 fərruʒ → firəʒwirəʒ, not *firrəʒwirrəʒ ʒəllaba → ʒiləbwiləb, not *ʒilləbwilləb səllum → siləmwiləm, not *silləmwilləm iħall → iħiwəlwiwəl, not *iħiwəllwiwəll c. Melody: the input vocalic melody is dropped (29) Our interpretation: a. the template in LGHOS is quadriconsonantal, wholly reduplicated to the right b. the added (fourth) radical is always I, and always appears as R2 c. the reduplicated image of R1 is systematically neutralized as U d. the vocalism in LGHOS is ø (ə appears under well-known phonotactic constraints; I is vocalized under the same phonotactic constraints as in the input-language) e. when absent in the input, R3 is replaced with U (see 27b) (30) To summarize Moroccan Arabic

LGHOS

R1 R2 R3

>

R1

I

R2 R3 +

U

I' R'2 R'3

R1 R2

>

R1

I

U R2 +

U

I'

U' R'2

= R1 R2 R3 R4 + R'1 R'2 R'3 R'4 (31) LGHOS template

I R1

R3

R4

U

C

v + C

R2

R3

R4

I/t C v

C

v C v C v

v

C v C

v C

v

6 The disguised form of tʒib 'she brings, you bring (ms)' unexpectedly displays a geminated glide /j/. This aspect remains unclear to us, especially since LGHOS systematically turns geminated consonants in the source-form into single ones (see examples in (27)). In Lapanne-Joinville (1955: 204), the disguised form of tʒib shows /n/ in the final position: tʒibənwibən.

-6-

OCP 8, Marrakech, January 19th 2011

V. Conclusion In all three secret languages, speakers are able to: i. extract all and only root consonants ii. build a root morpheme when the inherited root contains less than three consonants (the root is quadriconsonantal in LGHOS) Elements I and U are present in all three languages.

References Basset, André. 1929. La langue berbère. Morphologie. Le verbe : étude de thèmes. [2004 ed.]. Paris: L’Harmattan. Bat-El, O. 1994. Stem modification and cluster transfer in Modern Hebrew. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 12: 571-596. Bensoukas, Karim. 2001. Stem forms in the nontemplatic morphology of Berber. Doctoral dissertation, Université Mohammed 5, Rabat. Berjaoui, Nasser. 1999. A study of the 'Ghus' in Morocco. Doctorat d'Etat dissertation, Chouaib Doukkali University, Morocco. Berjaoui, Nasser. 2008. A Detailed Analysis of Moroccan Secret Languages. LINCOM Handbooks in Linguistics 24, Munich. Cantineau, Jean. 1950. Racines et schèmes. In Mélanges offerts à William Marçais, 119-124. Paris: A. Maisonneuve. Chaker, Salem. 1990. Les bases de l'apparentement chamito-sémitique du berbère : un faisceau d'indices convergents. Etudes et documents berbères 7: 28-57. Dell, François & Mohamed Elmedlaoui. 1992. Quantitative transfer in the nonconcatenative morphology of Imdlawn Tashlhiyt Berber. Journal of African Languages and Linguistics 3: 89125. Dell, François & Mohamed Elmedlaoui. 2002. Syllables in Tashlhiyt Berber and in Moroccan Arabic. Kluwer Academic Publishers: Dordrecht. Douchaïna, Rqia. 1998. La morphologie du verbe en tagnawt. Etudes et documents berbères 15-16: 197-210. Frost, R., Deutsch, A., & Forster, K. 2000. Decomposing morphologically complex words in nonlinear morphology. Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory, and Cognition 26: 751765. Hammond, Michael. 1988. Templatic transfer in Arabic broken plurals. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 6: 247-270. Idrissi, Ali. 2001. Towards a root-and-template approach to shape-invarinat morphology. PhD, UQAM. Idrissi, Ali, Prunet, Jean-François. & Renée Béland. 2008. On the mental representation of Arabic roots. Linguistic Inquiry 39/2: 221-259. Galand, Lionel. 1988. “Le berbère”. Langues dans le monde ancien et moderne, vol. III, ed. by Daniel Coghen and Jean Perrot. Paris: CNRS. Pp. 207-242. Laataoui, Abderrahim. 2000. Le langage secret des femmes de Safi. Albayane newspaper, number 7910, July 7th, Casablanca. Lapanne-Joinville, Jean. 1955. Contribution a la connaissance des argots arabes du Maroc. Hespéris 42: 203-215. Lahrouchi, Mohamed. 2010. On the internal structure of Tashlhiyt Berber triconsonantal roots. Linguistic Inquiry 42: Lahrouchi, Mohamed & Philippe Ségéral. 2009. Morphologie gabaritique et apophonie dans un langage secret féminin (taqjmit) en berbère tachelhit. Revue Canadienne de Linguistique. Lahrouchi, Mohamed & Philippe Ségéral. 2010. Peripheral vowels in Tashlhiyt Berber are phonologically long: Evidence from Tagnawt, a secret language used by women. Brill’s Annual of Afroasiatic Languages and Linguistics 2: 1–11 McCarthy, John. 1979. Formal Problems in Semitic Phonology and Morphology. PhD, MIT.

-7-

OCP 8, Marrakech, January 19th 2011

McCarthy, John. 1981. A prosodic Theory of Nonconcatenative Morphology. Linguistic Inquiry 12: 373-418. Moktadir, Khalid. 1989. The passive form in Tashlhiyt Berber – a prosodic approach. Rabat: Université Mohammed V, D.E.S. Thesis. Prunet, Jean-François. 2006. External evidence and the Semitic root. Morphology 16: 41-67. Prunet, Jean-François, Béland Renée & Ali Idrissi. 2000. The mental representation of Semitic words. Linguistic Inquiry 31/4: 609-648. Ratcliffe, Robert. 1987. Prosodic templates in a word-based morphological analysis of Arabic. In. M. Eid & R. Ratcliffe (eds) Perspectives on Arabic Linguistics X, Current Issues in Linguistic Theory 153: 147-171, Amsterdam / Philadephia: John Benjamins. Ussishkin, Adam. 1999. The inadequacy of the consonantal root: Modern Hebrew denominal verbs and output-output correspondence. Phonology 16: 401-442. Youssi, Ahmed. 1977.

-8-