Abstract of ‘Origin of ZHE 者 in early archaic-Chinese’ Yumei CHI PHD in Linguistics (Eocle des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales-Paris), Lecturer of Chinese language at the Université Stendhal de Grenoble, France. E-mail:
[email protected];
[email protected] Historical syntax, prosodic syntax, diachonic grammar, cognitive linguistics, syntax-semantics interface, Classical Chinese This paper stems from diachronic and synchronic research, based on the sources of the ‘Script on Bronze ’ and of the ‘Book of odes ’, in order to understand the origin and the initial functions of ZHE as it appeared in early archaic Chinese ( 11th century BC – 6th century BC), and the development of these functions during the same period. Our analysis based on a cognitive approach.
金文
诗经
者
上古
ZHE hasn’t been detected in pre-archaic Chinese (14th century BC – 11th century BC), i.e. in Oracle bone script , but it appeared at the period of the bronze scription . We estimate that the arrival of ZHE dates from early archaic Chinese. It seems that, from the very beginning, ZHE assumed several functions such as: demonstrative pronoun ‘these’, ‘those’, the temporal pronoun ‘at that moment’, and particles found in the structures ‘Adj+ZHE’ and ‘V+ZHE’.
甲骨文
金文
ZHE was born morphologically and its functions then spread, as observed in the first source of early archaic Chinese, the ‘Scripts on Bronze’. Then, in the second source of the same period, the ‘Book of Odes’, the functions of the particles of ZHE increase considerably, such as particle c’ (Part.c’) in the structure ‘V (VP)+ZHE’, particle b’ (Part.b’) in the structure ‘Adj+ZHE’, and the modal particle (Part.M). This confirms that the grammaticalization of ZHE continues, from a semantically heavy to an empty word . word
实词
虚词 It seems that the birth of ZHE 者 arrived after the appearance of ZHI 之, but from the very first, ZHI
and ZHE together developed a strong complementary relationship. They cooperatively established a division for the different functions. ZHI needed, semantically and grammatically, a partner who could assume the numerous complementary functions. So, the appearance of ZHE assuming multiple functions was encouraged.
Based on this motivation, when ZHI plays the role of locative pronoun ‘there’, in parallel, ZHE takes on the functions of temporal pronoun symbolising ‘then’. This situation corresponds to the theory of Manfred Krifka 1 ‘This might point out that the experience of space has precedence over the experience of time.’ When ZHI assumes the roles of demonstrative pronoun and personal pronoun, standing for ‘that, that one, he, she’, in the meanwhile, ZHE becomes demonstrative pronoun, standing for ‘these, they’. Finally, when ZHI transforms into a nominal preverbal particle in the structure ‘ZHI+V’, in which ZHI nominalises the verb, in bringing subjectively the nuance of ‘destination’, thus, the structure ‘ZHI+V’ symbolises ‘the action of the verb is destined to/ reserved for’; conversely, at the same moment, ZHE becomes the particles c’ (Par.c’), and b’ (Part.b’), found in the structures ‘V(VP) +ZHE’ and ‘Adj+ZHE’, in which ZHE nominalise the verb or the adjective, in bringing the nuance of ‘conductor’ of the verb or the ‘producer’ of the adjective, in order to give an identity of self-reference. These two structures of ZHE are interpreted as ‘conductor of such an action of the verb’, or ‘producer of such a state of the adjective’. In conclusion, according to the author, the origin and the appearance of the multiples functions of ZHE were stimulated by ZHI in parallel, through an analogical mechanism .
者
1
之
类比
This might point out that the experience of space has precedence over the experience of time.
Abstract of ‘Origin of ZHE
者 in early archaic-Chinese’
Yumei CHI 1
