-2Tobias Scheer, CNRS 6039, Université de Nice [email protected] this handout and more stuff at www.unice.fr/dsl/tobias.htm

NYI Summer Institute of Cognitive and Cultural Studies St. Petersburg 3-21 July 2006

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vowel - zero alternations in Russian - the basic pattern e.g. Lightner (1965,1972), Yearley (1995) a. nominal inflection vowel zero __C# __CV e d'én' dn'-á day Nsg - Gsg ot'éc otc-á father Nsg, Gsg o són sn-á dream Nsg, Gsg rót rt-á mouth Nsg, Gsg lób lb-á forehead Nsg, Gsg ókon okn-ó window Nsg, Gpl kov'ór kovrá rug Nsg, Gsg kusók kusøk-á piece Nsg - Gsg b. short - long forms of adjectives e b'éd'en poor b'édøn-ɨj o pólon full póløn-ɨj c. derivation e m'ést' møst'-ít' vengeance, to avenge o vóš louse, lice-ridden vøš-ívɨj

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whether a vowel alternates or not cannot be predicted from its quality: some e,o alternate, others don't, and this is a lexical property of each vowel (word) a. nominal inflection vowel vowel e m'ést m'ést-o place Gpl, Nsg o rabót rabót-a work Gpl, Nsg b. short - long forms of adjectives e b'él white b'él-ɨj o poxóž resembling poxóž-ɨj

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deletion or insertion? insertion is out of business at least for two reasons: a. whether e or o is inserted is unpredictable b. the context of insertion is unpredictable: minimal pairs zero vowel zero zero láska lások weasel Nsg, Gpl láska lásk caress Nsg, Gpl bobrá bob'ór beaver fur Nsg, Gpl bobrá bóbr beaver Gsg, Nsg c. literature pro-insertion: Laskowski (1975), Czaykowska-Higgins (1988), Piotrowski (1992) demonstration that insertion is incorrect: Gussmann (1980), Rubach (1984:28s, 1993:134ss), Szpyra (1992:280ss, 195:94ss), Yearley (1995)

THE LIFE OF YERS IN SLAVIC AND ELSEWHERE CONTENTS 1. Overview & Russian examples .............................................................................................. 1 2. The yer context: Slavic vowel-zero alternations .................................................................... 3 2. Lower - how it works and what it implies.............................................................................. 4 3. The difference between Lower and Havlík ............................................................................ 5 4. The difference between final and alternating yers ................................................................. 6 5. Autosegmentalised Lower...................................................................................................... 8 6. Other effects of the yer context on vowels in Slavic.............................................................. 9 7. Effect of the yer context on vowels outside of Slavic.......................................................... 13 8. Additional yers needed (beyond their Slavic distribution)................................................... 14 9. Effect of the yer context on consonants ............................................................................... 16 10. The puzzle .......................................................................................................................... 17 11. The Western solution: do away with schwa....................................................................... 17 12. The Eastern solution: do away with closed syllables ......................................................... 20 13. Analyses driven by antipathy against abstractness ............................................................ 23 14. Summary so far .................................................................................................................. 24 15. There are two patterns of vowel-zero alternations in nature: Havlík and Lower............... 26 16. Analysis in CVCV.............................................................................................................. 28 17. Self-contradictory evidence ?............................................................................................. 30 18. Identification of the lateral relation through its effect........................................................ 31 Appendix 1. vowel- zero alternations in Czech ........................................................................................ 34 2. Closed Syllable Shortening vs. diminutive lengthening in Czech ....................................... 37

1. Overview & Russian examples (1) Moroccan Arabic German Somali (Cushitic) Turkish Slavic (e.g. Czech) Hungarian Hindi Kolami (Dravidian)

zero C__C-V kˆtøb-u innør-e nirøg-o devør-i lokøt-e majøm-on kaarøk-o)o) kinøk-atun

vowel C__C-ø køtˆb inner nirig devir loket majom kaar´k kinik

vowel C__C-CV kˆttˆb inner-lich nirig-ta devir-den loket-ní majom-ra kaar´k-nee kinik-tan

gloss write pf act 3pl, 3sg, 3sg causative inner+infl, inner, internal young female camel pl, sg indef, sg def transfer ACC, NOM, ABL elbow GENsg, NOMsg, adj. monkey Superessive, NOM, Sublative "case" oblique pl, NOMsg, agentive "break" present, imperative, past

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basic pattern of Slavic vowel-zero alternations C__C-V C__C-ø C__C-CV Russian vojøn-á vójen vojén-nɨj Czech lokøt-e loket loket-ní Polish wojøn-a wojen wojen-ny Bulgarian skъrøbia skrъb skrъb-na naskъrøb-en etc.

gloss "war" NOMsg, GENpl, adj. "elbow" GENsg, NOMsg, adj. "war" NOMsg, GENpl, adj. "to have sorrow", past passive part., sorrow, adj. fem

naive analysis thereof a. alternation sites are mute in open syllables alternation sites are vocalised in closed syllables b. their vocalisation is a consequence of syllable structure: the immediate trigger is the presence of a Coda in the same syllable. c. the presence or the absence of a following vowel has only an indirect incidence on their vocalisation.

there is more to it in Bulgarian: the vowel-zero alternation is traditionally interpreted as a metathesis open syllable closed syllable zero vowel C__C-V C__C-yer Cø C__C-ø C__C-CV "to have sorrow", past passive skъrbi-a skrъb-en skrъb skrъb-na part., sorrow, adj. fem naskъrb-en to tie, link, shoelace vъrža vrъv vrъz-ka heart, central masc, fem sъrc-e sred-en sred-na breast, adj masc, breast high gъrd-i grъd-en grъd grъd-na gъrkinia

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1

vocalisation in open syllables open syllable zero C__C-V C__C-yer C-ø Russian kotøl-á kot'el-ók dn'-á d'en’-ók igól-øk-a igól-oč'-ek Czech dom-øk-u dom-eč-ek Slovak kríd-øl-o kríd-el-iec Polish buł-øk-a buł-ecz-ek Serbovrab-ac-a vrab-øc-a Croatian1 Bulgarian skъrøbi-a skrъb-en naskъrb-en

skrъb

ø / __

CCV C# C ь,ъ

before yers

buł-ecz-k-a buł-ek buł-ecz-ek

iff V ≠ ь,ъ

buł-øk-a

in closed syllables

CV

2. Lower - how it works and what it implies (11) Lower ǐ,ˆˇ → e,o / __C0 {ǐ,ˆˇ} (12)

two alternation sites in a row: derivation with Lower

skrъb-na

The alternating identity of the final vowel in GENpl vrab-ac-a may not be established synchronically since morphology does not allow to add another suffix. However, GENpl vrab-ac-a contrasts with GENsg vrab-øc-a, and more generally with all other nominal forms: 11 out of 12 vowel-initial case markers (for a total of 14, seven sg, seven pl; only NOMsg and ACCsg are zero) provoke the allomorph containing zero -øc-. Only GENpl induces its vocalised version. Now it is a fact that the diachronic identity of the GENpl, and only of this case marker, is a yer. This can hardly be taken as an accident.

style, adj fem Greek fem (person), masc, adj.

(10) the yer context alternation sites show V / __

closed syllable vowel C__C-ø C__C-CV kot'ól kot'el-øk-á d'én' d'en'-øk-á igól-ok igól-oč'-øk-a dom-ek dom-eč-øk-u kríd-el kríd-el-øc-e buł-ek buł-ecz-øk-a vrab-ac

grъc-ki

alternation sites are vocalised in open syllables iff the following vowel alternates with zero itself.2

2. The yer context: Slavic vowel-zero alternations (7)

grъk

a. b. c. d.

2

underlying → buł-ǐcz-ǐk-a buł-ǐk-ˆˇ buł-ǐcz-ǐk-ˆˇ buł-ǐk-a

Lower → buł-ecz-ǐk-a buł-ek-ˆˇ buł-ecz-ek-ˆˇ buł-ǐk-a

yer-deletion → surface buł-ecz-k-a bułeczk-a buł-ek bułek buł-ecz-ek bułecz-ek buł-k-a bułk-a

relevant yer occurs in __C yer C V __C yer # __C yer C yer __C V

The usual formulation says "…in open syllables iff the following vowel is a yer", see for example Gussmann (1980a), Rubach (1984). It is one of the important goals of this section to show that the crucial property of the triggering vowel in the following syllable is NOT to be a yer or a schwa, but to alternate with zero (Scheer 1997:71). Gussmann (1980a:30) actually is explicit on this property of triggering vowels: "the deleting vowel disappears if followed directly by a nondeleting vowel".

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(13) cylcic application a. Lower must apply two times and from left to right (or from the root towards the periphery) in order to transform //buł-ǐcz-ǐk-ˆˇ// into /buł-ecz-ek-ˆˇ/. b. this effect is commonly viewed as a consequence of the cyclic application of Lower, which was introduced by Rubach (1984:184ss) (see also Rubach 1993:139s). (14) abstract vowels a. which sometimes appear on the surface: those that alternate with zero (pies - psa). b. which never appear on the surface: word-final (pies-ъ).

3. The difference between Lower and Havlík (15) Havlík's Law a. In 1889, Antonín Havlík discovered the following diachronic regularity when comparing Common Slavic (CS) to Old Czech (ocz).3 b. given a sequence of consecutive yers in Common Slavic, every other yer survives into Old Czech, counting from the right edge of the sequence. c. illustration thereof 4 3 2 1 4 3⁄ 2 1⁄ "with the dog" CS sъ pьs-ъmь > ocz se pøs-emø se psem 5 4 3 2 1 5⁄ 4 3⁄ 2 1⁄ CS sъ šьv-ьc-ьmь > ocz sø šev-øc-emø s ševcem

"with the shoemaker"

(16) vocalisation in open syllables: diachronic situation open syllable closed syllable zero vowel C__C-V C__C-yer Cø C__C-ø C__C-CV Czech dom-øk-u ocz dom-øč-ek dom-ek dom-eč-øk-u mcz dom-eč-ek Polish pøs-a opol pøs-ek pies pies-øk-a mpol pies-ek

(17) "secondary vocalisation" a. All diachronic grammars report that Havlík's Law correctly describes the state of affairs in the old languages (Old Czech, Old Polish etc.) which continue Common Slavic. b. but "secondary vocalisations" have disturbed the picture since then. c. the forms where "secondary vocalisation" occurs are precisely those of the offending grey-shaded column (recall (7)) where a Common Slavic yer chain has been reduced according to Havlík's Law: CS dom-ьč-ьk-ь > ocz dom-øč-ek-ø > mcz dom-eč-ek-ø. The third yer (counted from the right margin) is odd-numbered and thus weak. It should fall out, which it does indeed in Old Czech. However, it is "restored" in Modern Czech. d. philologists always invoke analogy in order to explain this "secondary vocalisation" of weak yers. Examples of this attitude are Trávníček (1935:47), Komárek (1969:48), Liewehr (1933:98) and Vondrák (1924:180). (18) the two patterns of vowel-zero alternations a. Havlík: "every other" given a chain of alternation sites, vocalise every other one, counting from the right margin. b. Lower: "all but the last" given a chain of alternation sites, vocalise all of them save the last one.

4. The difference between final and alternating yers (19) synchronic evidence: distribution of yers a. alternating yers in locations where a vowel alternates with zero. b. final yers after word-final consonants (20) Diachronic evidence: only alternating yers may originate in epenthesis diachronic epenthesis of "yers" a. feminine -i stems in NOMsg4 CS case-suffix -ь. Cause: loss of a yer in the following syllable Modern Czech Common Slavic píseň - písøn-ĕ "song NOMsg, GENsg" NOMsg pĕ-sn-ь báseň - básøn-ĕ "poem NOMsg, GENsg" NOMsg ba-sn-ь b. neuter o-stems and feminine a-stems, both in GENpl5 CS case-suffix -ъ. Cause: loss of a yer in the following syllable Modern Czech Common Slavic čísøl-o - čísel n. "number NOMsg, GENpl" GENpl čit-sl-ъ sestør-a - sester f. "sister NOMsg, GENsg" GENpl sestr-ъ

4

5 3

See general descriptions of the evolution of Common Slavic yers for example in Trávníček (1935:46ss), Lamprecht et al. (1986:46ss), Liewehr (1933:91ss).

Material on feminine i-stems is exposed for example in Vážný (1963:73ss), Vondrák (1924:478ss), Trávníček (1948-49 I:43), Trávníček (1935:230), Gebauer (1894-98 I:160ss), Gebauer (1894-98 II:343ss), Arumaa (1985:49ss,120ss), Havránek & Jedlička (1988:149ss), Vaillant (1958:142ss). On epenthetic vowels in genitive plural forms, see e.g. Gebauer (1894-98 I:160,165), Gebauer (1894-98 II:139ss), Panzer (1991:324), Vážný (1963:45,61ss), Trávníček (1948-49 I:44), Trávníček (1935:230), Arumaa (1985:68ss,141s), Lamprecht (1987:138), Komárek (1962:128s,150), Vaillant (1958:35s).

-7(20) Diachronic evidence: only alternating yers may originate in epenthesis diachronic epenthesis of "yers" c. some masculine o-stems in NOMsg6 CS case-suffix -ъ. Cause: loss of a yer in the following syllable Modern Czech Common Slavic mozek - mozøk-u "brain NOMsg, GENsg" NOMsg mozg-ъ d. prepositions and prefixes Common Slavic Modern Czech vze-pnout se - vzø-pínat se "to straighten up pf, ipf" *vъzroze-psat - rozø-pisovat "to begin to write pf, ipf" *orz*bezbeze-dný - bezø-bradý "without bottom, without beard" *odode-mknout - odø-mykat "to open (key) pf, ipf" (21) diachronicians don't like things that have no etymology, so they properly invent yers a. Even though diachronic grammars such as Gebauer (1894-98 I:154ss), Trávníček (1935:230), Trávníček (1948-49 I:41ss), Havránek & Jedlička (1988:31) clearly expose the fact that alternating vowels may originate either in a yer or in epenthesis, the same authors sometimes properly invent yers or recur to analogical explanations in order to be able not recognise an object that is bare of any etymological existence. For GENpl forms, instead of admitting epenthesis, Gebauer (1894-98 I:160), Gebauer (1894-98 II,139ss), Trávníček (1935:230), Lamprecht (1987:138) and Komárek (1969:150) for example invoke analogy with yer-bearing items. b. The effects of the antipathy against non-etymological objects appear most strikingly in the treatment of prefixes and prepositions. In answer to the question "which prepositions/ prefixes were terminated by a yer?", almost anything and its reverse can be found in the literature. The item roz(e) is identified as *orzъ in etymological dictionaries (Machek 1957:424, Holub & Lyer 1978:391), although no yer can be established on the basis of either comparatism or Old Church Slavonic texts. The same holds true for *otъ > od(e) (Lamprecht et al. 1986:332ss). Machek (1957:579) invents yers when a vowel-zero alternation without etymological yer-source has to be brought back to yer regularity: for example, he derives ocz vzezvati from CS *vъz-ъ-zъvati, identifying the yer between the prefix and the stem as "added" ("přidáváno ъ, dávající e").

-8(22) Havlík's Law readjusted: rather than yers, empty Nuclei were vocalised a. in late CS, yers were centralised and fell out. b. they were not vocalised but dropped, leaving behind an empty Nucleus. c. empty Nuclei were vocalised iff the following Nucleus was empty (because it contained a yer that fell out). d. hence, ь,ъ > ø > vowel (and not: ь,ъ > vowel) e. Havlík's Law conventional formulation "given a sequence of consecutive yers in Common Slavic, every other yer is vocalised, counting from the right edge." reformulation "given a sequence of consecutive empty Nuclei in Common Slavic, every other empty Nucleus is vocalised, counting from the right edge."

5. Autosegmentalised Lower (23) yers are floating matrices: Rubach (1986) Czech "elbow" a. lokt-e GENsg b. loket NOMsg c. loket-ní adjective x x x x x | | | | | l o k e t e

x x x x | | | | l o k e t e

(24) autosegmentalised Lower (Rubach 1986, Kenstowicz & Rubach 1987) x | V → V

/ __C V

(25) the essence of Lower: Slavic vowel-zero alternations are caused by a lateral relation a. vowel-zero alternations are not triggered by the presence or the absence of a consonant in a given syllable (Coda analysis). Rather, it is controlled by an intervocalic communication. b. this intervocalic communication involves two yers whereby the rightmost yer determines the phonetic status of the leftmost yer: e.g. Czech pes "dog NOMsg"

p

ǐ

s

ˇˆ

vocalisation ɛ

6

On these stems, see for example Vondrák (1924:344), Trávníček (1948-49 I:43), Gebauer (1894-98 I:160).

x x x x x x | | | | | | l o k e t e n í

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- 10 b.

6. Other effects of the yer context on vowels in Slavic (26) roadmap a. phonological processes where yers (schwa) has a specific (non-)bearing on neighbours. b. all cases that I have come across concern preceding segments; this is the direction of most phonological processes anyway. I do not expect to find cases where schwa has a specific effect on the environment to its right. c. two families: the effect is visible on - a preceding vowel - a preceding consonant

bůh, hnůj, lůj, můj, tvůj, svůj, stůj !, stůl, sůl, důl, hůl, kůl, půl, vůl, dům, kůň, dvůr, -ův, vůz, nůž

c.

(27) however, the distributional pattern of the yer context extends beyond vowel-zero alternations open syllable closed syllable C__C-V C__C-yer C__C-ø C__C-CV gloss frog NOMsg, dim. GENpl, a. Czech VV-V žáb-a žabek-ø žab-ø žab-øk-a jádr-o

jader-ní

jader-ø

b. Czech ů-o7

jmén-o nož-e

nůž-ek-ø

jmen-ø nůž-ø

jmen-ný nůž-øk-y

c. Polish ó-o

krow-a

krów-ek-ø

krów-ø

krów-øk-a

d. Polish ą-ę

zęb-a

ząb-ek

ząb-ø

ząb-øk-a

2.

and in final closed syllables ó [u] / __C-voice # pomóc 26 u [u] / __C-voice # kaktus 821 ó [u] / __C+voice # bóg 399 u [u] / __C+voice # kocur 857 dynamic alternating __C+voice # bóg - boga __C-voice # powrót - powrotu non-alternating __C+voice # król - króla __C-voice # skrót - skrótu

d.

The majority of Czech roots that show the ů-o alternation does in fact react on yers: dům - domek "house, id. diminutive", stůl - stolek "table, id. diminutive" etc. The cases where yers are treated as regular vowels seem to be those where the form that contains the vocalised version of the yer is the Nominative singular. Feminine nouns that show the vocalised yer in GENpl forms bear the unaltered : nůž-øk-y - nůž-ek "scissors NOMpl, GENpl", hůl-øk-a - hůl-ek "little stick NOMsg, GENpl", půl-øk-a - půl-ek "half NOMsg, GENpl". There is no hope to tell both sets from each other on phonological grounds.

[uu] < ú and of foreign origin do not alternate: ocún - ocúnu, úl - úlu, trůn - trůnu, kůr - kůru, tůň - tůnĕ, trubadúr - trubadúra, růž - růže (27)c Polish ó-o (numbers are the numbers of entries in PWN 1998) 1. static in internal closed syllables ó [u] / C-C: górny 36 all of which __C+voice o [ɔ] / C-C: bezwodny 571 both __C-voice and __C+voice bezrobotny [ɔ] in final closed syllables o [ɔ] / __C-voice # kłopot 732 o [ɔ] / __C+voice # melon 1912

GENpl, dim. NOMsg stone (of a fruit) NOMsg, nuclear, GENpl name NOMsg, GENpl, adj. knife GENsg, scissors (=dim.) GENpl, knife NOMsg, scissors NOMpl cow NOMsg, dim. GENpl, GENpl, dim. NOMsg tooth GENpl, dim. NOMsg, NOMsg, dim. GENsg

(28) the processes under (27) are synchronically inactive a. žába - žab - žabka - žabek 31 roots but fasáda - fasád - fasádka - fasádek 53 roots see the detail of my personal count in Scheer (2001a,b) and the appendix to this handout. Of course, the non-alternating roots are the "recent" ones.

7

(27)b Czech ů-o (numbers are the number of entries in LEDA 1997) 1. static: 539 …ůCV: chůze, chůda, důvĕra, můžeš, šňůra, smůla etc. 2. dynamic there are exactly 20 alternating items of the kind dům - domu all of them are have a voiced consonant (= voiced obstruent or sonorant) after the ů:

try out Szkoda (Czech car) with a native: 5 Szkod or 5 Szkód? (27)d Polish ą-ę (numbers are the numbers of entries in PWN 1998) 1. static nouns: ...ąC# 148 both __C-voice dąs __C+voice błąd …ęC# 123 both __C-voice lęk __C+voice kręg (cf. krąg)

- 11 2.

dynamic nouns: alternating 33 __C+voice błąd - błędu all of them __C+voice [only one alien __C-voice: dziesiąt - dziesięciu]

- 12 (31) hence, the correct description of the process that has occurred in (Common) Western Slavic is as follows: o > oo before voiced consonants in the yer context that is

non-alternating 63 __C+voice kąt - kątu /-a __C-voice wąs - wąsa "minimal pair" rząd - rządu "government" rząd - rzędu "row"

o > oo __ the same root sometimes alternates, and somes does not: wzgląd – względu, but dogląd – doglądu,

(29) the fact that (27)a-d are synchronically inactive does not make them less real. They represent a process that is common to all Western Slavic languages (Polish, Czech, Slovak), and hence has governed the synchronic phonology of their common ancestor:

(30) but this diachronic event does not explain why lengthening has also taken place diachronic input Cz nožPol krowPol ząba. in internal closed syllables nůž-ky krów-ka ząb-ka ("before a yer that has been lost" could be argued here) b. in open syllables iff the following nůž-ek krów-ek ząb-ek vowel alternates with zero (no way to argue "before a yer that has been lost")

iff C1 is voiced

==> the alternations under (27)b-d illustrate vowel quantity, not quality. The alternation at hand is controlled by the yer context. (32) overall summary of the Slavic situation a. on several occasions, vowels behave alike in closed syllables and in open syllables iff the following vowel is a yer. Or, in other words: vowels in open syllables that occur before yers behave like if they stood in closed syllables. Yers behave as if they were not there.

short [ɔ] is lengthened before a word-final voiced consonant where "word-final" actually means "before a word-final Common Slavic yer that has been lost". early diachronic interpretations were still focussing on intonational oppositions (which have no incidence on Western Slavic quantity). The compensatory view ("the loss of a final vowel causes the lengthening of its preceding peer, i.e. the overall quantity is stable") has gained ground since then: Czech: Lamprecht et al. (1986:113), Vondrák (1924:324s), Trávníček (1935:82ss,268s), Polish: Klemensiewicz et al. (1964:52s), Rospond (1979:65ss), Długosz-Kurczabowa & Dubisz (1993:79ss). input Cz Pol Pol ą = nasal [ç] nož - nož-e krow - krow-a ząb - ząb-a a. o --> oo / __C+voice# noož - nož-e kroow - krow-a ząąb - ząb-a further language-specific diachronic events b. Pol + Cz: oo > uu nuuž - nož-e kruuw - krow-a — c. Pol ą > ę — — ząąb - zęb-a d. loss of length in Pol — kruw - krow-a ząb - zęb-a e. modern situation nůž - nož-e krów - krow-a ząb - zęb-a

C1.CV C1# C1 ´

[disclaimer: note that I do not claim that the alternations at hand are synchronically active in the various languages. I have shown that they are not. But they were active in the synchronic grammar of former stages of the language(s). Diachronic evidence is evidence as much as synchronic evidence. The only thing that is important for my analysis is that there is (or was) a Slavic language where the yer context controls alternations that do not involve vowels and zeros. My analysis is not any more abstract because it is based on diachronic evidence.]

b.

this distribution is identical with the one that controls vowel-zero alternations. If this is not accidental, the generalisation in order must be as follows: 1. vocalic alternations in Slavic languages are triggered by yers. 2. they are thus the result of an internuclear communication: a lateral relation. 3. yers are "abstract vowels". They that are underlyingly present 1. in locations where a vowel alternates with zero 2. after word-final consonants 4. target vowels may be yers themselves (vowel-zero alternations), but also regular vowels (alternations in vowel length). 5. the overall generalisation may not be described with Lower, for Lower covers only vowel-zero alternations. The generalisation at stake is of more general intervocalic nature.

(33) summary of the alternations discussed object occurring in example alternation __CV __Cyer __CV a. vowel-zero zero vowel dom-øk-u b. Czech voVV V žáb-a wel length c. Polish o-ó o oo krow-a d. Czech o-ů o oo nož-e e. Polish ą-ę ą ąą zęb-a

__Cyer dom-ek, dom-eč-ek, dom-eč-øk-u žab, žak-ek, žab-øk-a krów, krów-ek, krów-øk-a nůž, nůž-øk-y, nůž-ek ząb, ząb-ek, ząb-øk-a

- 14 -

- 13 -

7. Effect of the yer context on vowels outside of Slavic (34) yers in French ? French schwa - [E] alternation no additional yers needed (beyond what is requested for Slavic) closed open syllable syllable spelling EC# EC´ ´CV je morcèle, morcèlement, nous morcelons, mçXsEl mçXsEl´mã mçXs´lç̃, morceler mçXs´le j'appelle, appellera, appellation apEl apEl´ʁa ap´le j'ensorcèle, ensorcèlement, ensorceler ãsçXsEl ãsçXsEl´mã ãsçXs´le je harcèle, harcèlement, harceler aXsEl aXsEl´mã aXs´le j'achève, achèvement, achever aSEv aSEv´mã aS´ve je sèvre, sèvrera, sevrer, sevrage sEv“ sEv“´“a s´v“e s´v“aZ (35) French: ATRness of mid vowels in Southern varieties closed syllable open syllable __C# __C.CV __C´ __CV spelling e fEt fete je fête, alerter, céleri, fêter alEXte sEl´“i mètre, perdu, betterave, métrique mEtX pE“dy bEt´“av metXik sereine, sereinement, sérénité s´“En s´ʁEn´mã se“enite o kçd kode code, porter, moquerie, coder pçXte mçk´“i rozje rose, normal, roseraie, rosier rçz nçʁmal rçz´“E sobre, sobrement, sobriété sobʁijete sçb“ sçb“´mã ø ø“œz œXte heureuse, heurter, heureusement, øʁœz´mã apø“e apeuré œuvre, surfer, beuverie, œuvrer œv“ sœXfe bœv´“i øvʁe jeune, veulerie, jeunesse Zœn vœl´“i ZønEs (36) generalisation a. Ajustement en syllabe fermée the French facts are well known and extensively discussed for example in Dell (1973:209ss), Selkirk (1972:367ss), Schane (1968:30ss), Valdman (1972), Morin (1986,1988), Tranel (1987,1988). b. +ATR and schwa occur in open syllables. c. -ATR and [E] occur in closed syllables AND in open syllables if the following vowel is a schwa. Since schwa alternates with zero in French, the parallel with the Slavic facts is obvious: -ATR and [E] occur in closed syllables AND in open syllables if the following vowel alternates with zero itself.

(37) the Romance diphthongisation (diachronic) in Italian: "original Latin short stressed e,o in closed syllables (both internal and final) and in open syllables if followed by schwa, ie,uo in open syllables if followed by a non-schwa". E.g. Bourciez (1910:483f).

N.B.: there is good evidence that already in Latin the post-tonic vowel of proparoxytons (hédera, móbilis, pópulus) was a phonetic schwa: 1) the vocalic distribution in this position is deficient: only [i] and [u] occur (or mid vowels if lowered by a following [r]). 2) this can be seen in so-called internal apophony = the reduction of internal short vowels: facio - conficio 3) floating orthography: optimus - optumus. closed syllable open syllable internal final before schwa before a non-schwa siede fésta festa — hédera edera, sedet fiele córpus corpo móbilis mobile fele pietra pópulus populo petra novum nuovo *morit muore puo *potet

8. Additional yers needed (beyond their Slavic distribution) (38) case 1: French ATRness of mid vowels additional yers needed (beyond what is requested for Slavic) closed syllable open syllable -ATR -ATR +ATR __C.CV = __C´ = __Cь __CV = __CV spelling __C# = __Cь __CьCV sereine, perdu, e səʁɛnь pɛʁьdy səʁɛnьmã seʁenite o ʁɔzь

nɔʁьmal

ʁɔzьʁɛ

ʁozje

ø øʁœzь

œXьte

øʁœzьmã

apøʁe

sereinement, sérénité rose, normal, roseraie, rosier heureuse, heurter, heureusement, apeurer

- 16 -

- 15 (39) case 2: Czech alternations in vowel length pattern I: CVCC-a/o - CVCC-ø NOMsg GENpl gloss fem -a pravd-a pravd truth korb-a korb tipper lorry kajd-a kajd jacket křivd-a křivd pain harf-a harf harp miliard-a miliard multimillionaire valch-a valch washboard jirch-a jirch white leather sekt-a sekt sect blept-a blept gossip revolt-a revolt revolt neut -o hejn-o hejn swarm salt-o salt salto lejn-o lejn excrement (40)

pattern II: CVCC-a/o - CVCeC-ø NOMsg GENpl gloss fem -a farm-a farem farm Vilm-a Vilem Wilma (female first name) palm-a palem palm norm-a norem norm reform-a reforem reform kaps-a kapes pocket jacht-a jachet yacht placht-a plachet sail zebr-a zeber zebra algebr-a algeber algebra kobr-a kober cobra sestr-a sester sister kmotr-a kmoter godmother bucht-a buchet kind of dumpling kart-a karet card barv-a barev colour neut -o žebr-o žeber rib patr-o pater floor vnitr-o vniter inside jitr-o jiter morning metr-o meter metro

9. Effect of the yer context on consonants (41) distribution of [ŋg] and [ŋ] in German: "[ŋ] in closed syllables and in open syllables if followed by schwa, [ŋg] in open syllables if followed by a non-schwa". E.g. Dressler (1981), Hall (1992:199ss), Wiese (1996:224ss), Féry (2003:222ss). Premise: the German as much as the English velar nasal derives from underlying /Ng/.

distribution of German [N] and [Ng] in monomorphemic environments8 a. occurrence of [N] b. occurrence of [Ng]

__# [] laN d“aN dIN /EN “IN

spelling lang Drang Ding eng Ring

__C [] /aNst pINpçN hENst /aNStXøm bENt

spelling Angst Pingpong Hengst Angström Bengt

__´ [] /IN´ /aN´l fINå maN´l hUNå bEN´l

spelling Inge Angel Finger Mangel Hunger Bengel

__V [] /INgoo taNgoo /aNgiinaa zINgUlaa /UNgaan /EfaNgeelIS /aNgeelIka

spelling Ingo Tango Angina Singular Ungarn evangelisch Angelika

(42) Dutch schwa-epenthesis: "sonorant-obstruent clusters are broken up by a schwa in final closed syllables and in open syllables if followed by schwa, while no schwa-epenthesis occurs in open syllables if followed by a non-schwa". N.B.: before schwa, epenthesis is only optional, while it is obligatory in R__T#. E.g. Kager (1989:214), Cyran (2003:108s)

closed syllable internal final har´p —

8

open syllable before schwa harp "harp" kar´p´r karper "carp"

before a non-schwa [harpun], *[har´pun]

harpoen "harpoon"

In case there is a morpheme boundary between the velar nasal and the following segment, the picture is slightly different. While consonant-initial morphemes always provoke the absence of [g] (er sing-t, läng-lich, du fängst [zIN-t, lEN-lIç, fEN-st] "to sing 3sg, longish, to catch 2sg"), its presence depends on the native vs. non-native character of vowel-initial suffixes. The latter do, the former do not make appear the [g]: compare tang-ieren, fung-ieren, Laryng-ologe, Mening-itis [taNgii“´n, fUNgii“´n, la“INgoloog´, meenINgItIs] "to touch, to officiate, laryngologist, meningitis" with Spreng-ung, Beding-ung [SpXENUN, b´dINUN] "explosion, condition". This may also be seen when looking at words which show root-final alternations with non-native suffixes: Diphthong [dIftçN] "diphthong" - diphthong-ieren [dIftçNgii“´n] "to diphthongise".

- 18 -

- 17 g.

10. The puzzle (43) summary: there are two patterns in nature a. strong alternant in closed syllables and before schwa object occurring in example closed syll + __Cə alternation __CV __CV Slavic vowelzero vowel dom-øk-u zero French schwa [E] [ap´le] schwa - [E] appeler Polish o-ó V VV krow-a Czech o-ů V VV nož-e Polish ą-ę V VV zęb-a b. weak alternant in closed syllables and before schwa object occurring in example closed syll + __Cə alternation __CV __CV Czech vowel VV V žáb-a length French ATR +ATR -ATR [fete] fêter ŋ German velar ŋg Ingo [ŋg] nasal RəT# Dutch clusters RT# harpoen

h. closed syll + __Cə dom-ek, dom-eč-ek, dom-eč-øk-u [apEl] appelle

i.

krów, krów-ek, krów-øk-a nůž, nůž-øk-y, nůž-ek ząb, ząb-ek, ząb-øk-a j. closed syll + __Cə žab, žak-ek, žab-øk-a [fEt] fête lang, Inge [ŋə], Angst

but this option was excluded by Dell (1973:187s) for the same reason that disqualifies epenthesis-strategies in Slavic: in both Slavic and French, the occurrence of vowels that alternate with zero is a lexical property of each word and morpheme. It cannot be predicted from any environmental parameter. minimal pair: pelage "coat (animal)" = [p´laZ] or [plaZ] vs. plage [plaZ] "beach" = [plaZ], *[p´laZ] hence the Western way: How to get something for nothing 1. segmentally, the only possible underlying identity of the alternants zero, schwa and [E] is zero = nothing 2. the occurrence of alternating items cannot be predicted: pelage [p´laZ], [plaZ] vs. plage [plaZ], *[p´laZ], hence it must be something solution: autosegmental structure schwa is melodically nothing, but syllabically something, i.e. an empty Nucleus. ==> birth of empty Nuclei

(45) Anderson (1982): Coda capture before schwa a. Coda Capture: "we face an Onset that behaves like a Coda, so let's make it a Coda". b. the disjunction "in closed syllables and before schwa" is reduced to "in closed syllables" through Coda Capture: the Onset of empty Nuclei is resyllabified as the Coda of the preceding syllable. Closed Syllable Adjustment can then be applied and concerns all relevant contexts.

har[ə]p, kar[ə]p[ə]r

11. The Western solution: do away with schwa (44) French Anderson (1982) a. what could be the underlying identity of the object whose surface manifestations are [E], [´] and zero? b. schwa may be optionally realised as zero, including instances where it alternates with [E] as in appelle [apEl] "to call 1sg" (only possible realisation) vs. appeler "to call inf", which may be pronounced either [ap´le] or [aple]. c. the phonetic realisation of schwa most frequently is not [´], but [œ]. d. but both [E] and [œ] are also surface realisations of underlying objects that do not participate in the alternation schwa - [E] - zero: allaite [alEt], abreuve [abrœv] "to breastfeed 1sg,, to give water (animal) 1sg" vs. allaiter [alEte], *[al´te], abreuver [ab“øve] "id., inf." e. therefore neither /E/ nor /schwa/ (realised as [´] or [œ]) qualify for underlying representations (Anderson 1982:544ss,550). f. the third candidate, zero, does in principle.

a. appellera [apEl´“a]

O N O N O N O N | | | | | a p l “ a

b. appelle [apEl] R | O N O N C | | | a p l

R | O N O N C N O N | | | | | a p l “ a

R | O N O N C | | | a p l

O N O N O N | | | | a p l e

R | Closed O N O N C N O N Syllable | | | | | | Adjusta p E l “ a ment R | fill-in of O N O N C N O N schwa | | | | | | (optioa p E l “ a nal) ´

R | O N O N C | | | | a p E l

O N O N O N | | | | a p l e

R | O N O N C | | | | a p E l

O N O N O N | | | | a p l e

lexicon

Coda capture

c. appeler [ap´le]

O N O N O N | | | | a p l e

´

- 19 -

- 20 -

(46) Hall (1992) on the German velar nasal a. as with Coda capture, the consonant preceding schwa is made a Coda, but this time for a good reason. b. solution: schwa is a floating x-slot. Reason: it is weak, and the expression of weakness is its floating character. c. Hall (1992) follows the same philosophy as Anderson's (1982) analysis: schwa behaves as if it were not there, hence it must be somehow made absent in the relevant representations. d. as a consequence, then, the preceding consonant will not be interpreted as an Onset, but as a Coda. e. Hall (1992) achieves the same effect as Anderson (1982) without recurring to Coda capture. f. he invokes a plausible causal relation between the weakness of schwa and the codahood of the preceding consonant. This codahood, in turn, induces the segmental effect that is observed on the surface. g. the causality is thus ultimately intervocalic, true, but only indirectly so. (47) Hall (1992:210s): schwa is an unsyllabified skeletal slot derivation of Inge "female first name" a. lexical representation

x | ʔ

x | ɪ

x | N

x | g

x

d. g-deletion: g → ø / [+nasal] __ ]σ

O | x | ʔ

σ | R | N | x | ɪ

C | x | ŋ

x

b. first pass σ | R | O N C | | | x x x | | | ʔ ɪ N

x | g

e. schwa insertion

O | x | ʔ

σ | R | N | x | ɪ

C | x | ŋ

x | ə

x

c. assimilation σ | R | O N C | | | x x x x | | | | ʔ ɪ ŋ g f. second pass and resyllabification of ŋ σ σ | | R R | | O N O N | | | | x x x x | | | | ʔ ɪ ŋ ə

x

12. The Eastern solution: do away with closed syllables (48) the Eastern way a. generalisation of the yer-context: the vocalisation of alternation sites is ALWAYS provoked by a yer in the following syllable Lower ь,ъ —> e, o / __C0 {ь,ъ}

b.

Lower: Lightner (1965), Gussmann (1980), Rubach (1984,1986), Kenstowicz & Rubach (1987) etc. properties of the intervocalic relation embodied by Lower the relation contracted by a triggering yer and the preceding vowel is 1. intervocalic 2. disbalanced (one is under the spell of the other) 3. strictly directional (always right-to-left)

(49) price to pay: underlying yers have to be postulated in locations where they do not appear on the surface: 1) unvocalised alternation sites 2) after word-final consonants a. the underlying structure of the word bułeczek contains three "abstract vowels": b u ł ь cz ь k ъ b. derivation: cyclic application of Lower underlying > Lower > yer-deletion > surface buł-ьcz-ьk-a buł-ecz-ьk-a buł-ecz-k-a bułeczk-a buł-ьk-ъ buł-ek-ъ buł-ek bułek buł-ьcz-ьk-ъ buł-ecz-ek-ъ buł-ecz-ek bułecz-ek buł-ьk-a buł-ьk-a buł-k-a bułk-a (50) consequence: vowel-zero alternations have got nothing to do with syllable structure a. Lower denies any causal relation between syllable structure and the vocalisation of alternation sites. Vowel-zero alternations are not triggered by the presence or absence of a consonant in a given syllable (Coda-analysis), but by an intervocalic communication.

b.

==> the causal relation is not vertical, but lateral that is, a yer is vocalised under the influence of another yer that occurs in the following syllable. the intervocalic communication at hand involves two yers. Informal statement: "if you get two yers in a row, vocalise the first one". A) pies NOMsg B) psa GENsg p

ь ie

s

ъ

p

ь ø

s

a

- 21 c.

- 22 -

Standard Government Phonology Kaye et al. (1990), Kaye (1990a), Harris (1994) was built in complete disregard of Slavic. 1. Structure Preservation and the ban on resyllabification enforce a view whereby the syllabic identity of vowels that alternate with zero is an empty Nucleus even when the zero surfaces: A) pies NOMsg B) psa GENsg PG PG O | p

N

O | s

N

O | p

N

O | s

b.

N | a

ie the lateral relation between "the two yers" of Lower is called Proper Government. Only contentful Nuclei can govern. Therefore, PG breaks down under A), but goes into effect under B). In the former case, a language-specific epenthesis provides phonetic content for the Nucleus that escapes PG. 3. Or, in informal terms: "if you get two empty Nuclei in a row, vocalise the first one". 4. the distribution of empty Nuclei is controlled by the Empty Category Principle: Nuclei may remain phonetically unexpressed iff A) they are word-final or B) they are properly governed [this is the 1990-version, which has evolved since then, see below] that is, Government Phonology and Lower say the same thing. the distribution of empty Nuclei (Gov Phon) and yers (Lower) is strictly identical: 1. in locations where a vowel alternates with zero 2. after word-final consonants

Slavic French

2.

d.

recall the distribution of empty Nuclei in Government Phonology: - in locations where a vowel alternates with zero - after word-final consonants Structure Preservation and the ban on resyllabification enforce a view whereby the syllabic identity of vowels that alternate with zero is an empty Nucleus even when the zero surfaces: A) pol pies NOMsg B) pol psa GENsg fr (il) appelle fr appeler PG PG

(51) can the Eastern lateral solution be applied to all instances of the yer context ? a. Eastern lateral solution (built in complete disregard of Government Phonology) in case the East is right, there must be yers in French: /perьdu, appelьrai, appellь/ absurd? Not if they are considered as "abstract vowels", i.e. empty Nuclei.

c.

d.

a

O | p p

N

O | s l

N a

O | p p

N

O | s l

N | a e

ie / ɛ result: pol pies result: pol psa fr apɛl fr aple (appəler) 1. the equation "abstract vowels" = empty Nuclei was already made by Spencer (1986). 2. but Spencer denies the lateral internuclear causality, and hence dismisses the very essence of Lower. Government Phonology gives a name to the lateral relation that holds among yers = empty Nuclei: Proper Government. 3. Spencer's and Szpyra's analyses cannot be extended to cases where the yer context governs alternations of full vowels (length or ATR). the Western vertical solution fails to recognize the following fundamental fact: the vowels which trigger the process in preceding open syllables are not arbitrarily chosen, but possess a very peculiar and non-melodic property: they alternate with zero. If, say, [a], [u] or any other non-alternating vowel were observed to have this function, the Coda Capture rule would simply state "an Onset is resyllabified as the Coda of the preceding syllable if the next vowel is [a], [u] etc." Under Coda Capture, the alternating property of the triggering vowel is pure accident.

(52) arguments in favour of the lateral solution a. the arboreal strategy of making pre-schwa consonants a Coda cannot express the antagonistic effects of schwa or of the codahood of the preceding consonants: in this perspective one has to live with the fact that the same object (a Coda/ a schwa) produces visible, but opposite effects on preceding vowels. ==> Lateral relations can be twofold, Codas/ schwas cannot. b. general argument: direct vs. indirect coding of the facts 1. syllable structure is about the relative sonority of adjacent consonants (segments). Hence about the relation that C1 and C2 in VC1C2V contract in terms of sonority. The lateral approach encodes this relation directly: - C1 and C2 do contract a relation (Infrasegmental Gvt) ==> tautosyllabic - C1 and C2 contract no relation ==> heterosyllabic segmental effects are the result of these lateral relations: - e.g., a Coda consonant is ungoverned and unlicensed and therefore weak.

- 24 -

- 23 2. regular approaches to syllable structure encode this relation indirectly: - the sonority slope is converted into arboreal structure (Coda vs. Onset) - segmental effects are then held to be the result of this arboreal structure e.g. lenition in Codas. 3. arboreal structure is not the default. Direct coding of lateral relations is the default. The burden of proof is on the arboreal side since arborescence introduces one extra conceptual tool (lateral relations are needed anyway). 4. in the case of "in closed syllables and before schwa": Hall's solution encodes the effect of schwa only indirectly via arborescence: - first pre-schwa consonants are resyllabified as Codas - then the effect on the preceding vowel is ascribed to their codahood ==> schwa → Coda → effect on preceding vowel the lateral alternative is direct: schwa → effect on preceding vowel.

13. Analyses driven by antipathy against abstractness (53) Spencer (1986) fill-in without causality a. Spencer fully accepts the insights of Lower: 1. yers exist 2. Polish does not possess Codas in alternating environments 3. nor word-final consonants at the underlying level. b. Spencer's purpose is to make Lower and the formal apparatus used by Gussmann (1980) and Rubach (1984) less abstract. c. he aims at proposing a version of Lower that does not appeal to 1. underlyingly present yers that are subject to absolute neutralisation 2. the extensive use of extrinsic rule-ordering 3. the cyclic application of rules. d. "yer = empty Nucleus" (Spencer 1986:255)

Spencer conflates both yers into one single object: there is just one variety of empty Nuclei. As shown below, the palatality effects are achieved by the lexical presence of a /j/ in the root of dzień vs. its absence in the root of sen.

e.

dzień NOMsg dønia GENsg

sen NOMsg

søn-u GENsg

C V C V | | | dj n *

C V C V | | | s n *

C V C V | | | | s * n u

C V C V | | | | dj * n a

Spencer's analysis: reproduction of Lower: "lower all but the rightmost of a consecutive string of yers. The remaining yer is then deleted". 1. the last member of a yer-chain is given a special status: "extrametrical" (even though it may occur word-internally). These empty Nuclei are identified by an asterisk. 2. extrametrical empty Nuclei may not receive melodic identification. 3. a late postcyclic rule deletes unassociated empty Nuclei.

f.

critique: fill-in without causality 1. why should the "remaining yer", i.e. the last yer of a yer-chain, exist in the first place if it is deleted anyway ? 2. that is, there is no reason for the existence of the "extrametrical" empty Nuclei. 3. there is no causal relation between the existence of an empty Nucleus (i.e. a yer) and the vocalisation of its preceding peer. Spencer's rule that inserts melodic content to empty Nuclei makes no reference to the melodic status of the following syllable at all. It simply says "insert [E] into empty Nuclei". 4. ==> Spencer misses the very essence of Lower: there is a lateral relation between two yers; consecutive yers "see each other". 5. Spencer's analysis could not possibly extend to the other Slavic instances of the yer context because the target Nuclei are not empty.

(54) Szpyra (1992): ghost vowels a. Szpyra participates in the drive against abstract underlying structures. She aims at doing away with yers that never appear on the surface, that is word-final yers with morphological value. b. only alternating, but not triggering yers, are present in underlying representations. [alternating yers = the ones that are lowered and acquire a phonetic existence] [triggering yers = the ones that cause lowering, and are subject to later yer deletion] c. Szpyra denies the intervocalic causality of Polish vowel-zero alternations altogether. Alternating yers are not vocalised because of the presence of a yer in the following syllable. Rather, they come into phonetic being in order to salvage unsyllabifiable consonants that could not otherwise be accommodated. d. her argumentation crucially hinges on the analysis of Polish ę-ą and o-ó. For the sake of her demonstration, the yer-context that controls them must not be deprived of its disjunctivity. e. critique 1. disjunctions are suspicious per se. 2. Szpyra draws a red line in the middle of three processes that are governed by identical contextual conditions: ę-ą and o-ó on one hand obey a disjunction, whereas vowel-zero alternations on the other are due to a unified cause, that is the unsyllabifiable character of certain consonants.

14. Summary so far (55) general comparison of all approaches to the yer context Slavic

linear Gussmann (1980), Rubach (1984) a. presence of yers in the underlying melodic inventory b. underlying melodic identity of vowels that alternate with zero c. "abstract vowels" in word-final position and after Codas

French non-linear Spen- Szpyra Rubach (1986), Andercer (1992) Kenstowicz & son (1986) Rubach (1987) (1982)

yes

no

no

no

no

yes

no

no

yes

no

yes

yes

no

yes

no

- 26 -

- 25 (55) general comparison of all approaches to the yer context Slavic linear Gussmann (1980), Rubach (1984) d. causal intervocalic relation e. coda capture f. deletion of unassociated "abstract vowels" g. "abstract vowels"/ vowels that alternate with zero = empty Nuclei h. "abstract vowels" = floating matrices i. "abstract vowels" = floating root nodes unspecified for any feature

French

non-linear Spen- Szpyra Rubach (1986), Ander(1992) Kenstowicz & son cer Rubach (1987) (1982) (1986)

yes no

no no

no no

yes no

no yes

yes

yes

--

yes

yes

no

yes

no

no

yes

no

no

no

yes

no

no

no

yes

no

no

(56) summary so far a. the West was wrong: the closed syllable is a mirage. b. the West was right: schwas are empty Nuclei. c. the East was wrong: Lower (vowel-zero alternations) is but a particular instantiation of a more general regularity: the yer context. d. parameterising the lateral actorship of basic nuclear categories allows for 1. doing away with the yer-disjunction. 2. eliminating serialism from the Eastern anaylsis. 3. providing a unified solution for an empirical object that has been treated independently by 1. Slavicists 2. phonologists of French 3. people doing Government Phonology Significantly, all these approaches were contemporary: Gussmann (1980), Rubach (1984), Anderson (1982), Spencer (1986), Kaye (1990b), Kaye et al. (1990). 4. proposing a unified theory of vowel-zero alternations. e. the yer context is a lexical parameter on a specific nuclear category (schwa is unable to govern/ license) rather than a parameter on computation (resyllabification, Coda capture). f. a contribution to the recent history of phonology (80s): people have worked on the same empirical object (the yer context) without knowing about each other (Slavicists, phonologists working on French). They have come up with identical solutions (the existence and distribution of "abstract vowels") without building on the data and insights of each other (Slavicists and Government Phonology).

(57) a phonological cripple: schwa a. definition according to its effect: a vowel that does not have the same effect as other vowels. In particular, one which "cannot do" things that full vowels do. I shall call vowels that correspond to this definition cripples. b. on many occasions, cripples are indeed central articulations, for example in French: "-ATR vowels in closed syllables and in open syllables if followed by schwa, +ATR in open syllables if followed by a non-schwa" closed syllable open syllable internal final before schwa before a non-schwa perdu bɛt bête bêtement bet-iz bêtise pɛrdy bɛtəmã c.

but they may also be peripheral vowels, as for example in Slavic vowel-zero alternations: e.g. Polish: "vowels in closed syllables and in open syllables if followed by schwa, zero in open syllables if followed by a non-schwa" closed syllable open syllable internal final before schwa before a non-schwa pies-ka pies pies-ek pøs-a

d.

hence: all cripples are phonetically central - WRONG but also: all phonetically central vowels are cripples - WRONG e.g. Polish, where spelt is [ɨ], but which behaves like regular vowels, not like a cripple: pøs-y, not *pies-y. Significantly, does not alternate with zero. the only definition of schwa is according to its behaviour, not to its physical properties: all and only those vowels that alternate with zero are cripples, i.e. may produce different effects in regard of full vowels.

e.

(58) underlying representation of vowels that alternate with zero example: cz pes - psa "dog NOMsg, GENsg" a. Spencer (1986), Kaye et al. b. Rubach (1986), Kenstowicz c. Scheer (1998, (1990) & Rubach (1987) 2004) O N O N | | p s

x | p

e

x | s

e

O N O N | | p e s

15. There are two patterns of vowel-zero alternations in nature: Havlík and Lower (59) Havlík vs. Lower - properties given a sequence of alternating vowels, a. Havlík counting from the right edge, vocalise every other. b. Lower vocalise all of them save the last one.

- 27 (60) Havlík vs. Lower - the behaviour of some systems a. where all systems concord: Havlík = Lower C__C-V C__C-ø Havlík Moroccan Arabic kˆtøb-u køtˆb German innør-es inner French il mø donne Old Polish pøs-a pies Old Cezch dom-øk-u dom-ek Slovak dom-øk-u dom-ek Lower Mod Polish pøs-a pies Mod Czech dom-øk-u dom-ek

- 28 -

C__C-CV kˆttˆb inner-lich je mø donne pies-øk-a dom-eč-øk-u dom-eč-øk-u pies-øk-a dom-eč-øk-u

b. where systems constrast: sequences of alternating vowels C__C__C Havlík Lower [CøCVC] [CVCVC] Havlík Moroccan Ar. køtˆb German innør-es French jø me donne Old Polish pøs-ek Old Cezch dom-øč-ek Slovak dom-øč-ek Lower Mod Polish pies-ek Mod Czech dom-eč-ek (61) this must be accounted for by a parameter. Theory must not treat both patterns as unrelated. [schwa = vowel that alternates with zero] a. the parameter concerns the behaviour of alternation sites in presence of a following alternating vowel. b. translation into the terms of Government: 1. Havlík: Government applies without condition 2. Lower: Government applies, but schwa cannot govern (62) the same is true for the effect of schwa on consonants: sometimes it behaves like any other vowel (English), at other times it behaves as if it were not there (German) velar nasal German: [ŋ] before schwa - Finger [ŋ] English: [ŋg] before schwa - finger [ŋg] (63) Government derives the Havlík pattern: "vocalise every other alternation site, starting at the right edge" schwa can govern (i.e. behaves like any other vowel) Gvt ... etc.

Gvt

C V C V C | | | | C e C e C s š

Gvt V | e e

Gvt

C V C | | C e C v c p í s

C V | C e m ň

a. dom-øk-u GENsg

b. dom-ek NOMsg

Gvt

c. dom-eč-ek double dim NOMsg Gvt Gvt

Gvt

C V C V C V | | | | | d o m e k u

C V C V C V | | | | | d o m e k

C V C V C V C V | | | | | | | d o m e č e k

(65) lateral actorship of schwa (yers) - version 1 Havlík Lower

i.e. Old Czech, Old Polish, Slovak French, German, Moroccan Arabic i.e. Modern Czech, Modern Polish

no

(66) What is CVCV ? a. just a few references below, this handout is already growing out of size without that… b. CVCV is an off-spring of Government Phonology (Kaye et al. 1990, Kaye 1990a, Harris 1994 etc.) c. it takes the lateral idea to its logical end: syllable structure is expressed by lateral relations among constituents (Government & Licensing), rather than by arboreal structure. d. among others, Lowenstamm (1996), Scheer (2004, forth a), Cyran (2003), Szigetvári (1999) (67)

closed syllable O N O N | | | | C V C ø

geminate O N O N | C V

long vowel […C#] O N O N …O N | | | C V C ø

(68) the Coda in CVCV: a consonant that occurs before a governed empty Nucleus a. internal Coda b. final Coda c. Onset Gvt Gvt Gvt/ Lic ? C | R

V

C | T

V | V

...

V | V

dead Nuclei, i.e. unable to gvn or lic < *sъ šьv-ьc-ьmь < *pĕ-sn-ь

schwa (yers) can govern yes

16. Analysis in CVCV

… V | V

Gvt V | e e e

(64) analysis of Czech "little house" schwa cannot govern

C | C

V

#

… V | V

C | C

V | V

C

- 29 (69) a. non-alternating long vowel: head-initial, i.e. a self-licensor

C

b. alternating long vowel: head-final, i.e. needs support from the right in open syllable: complement licensed Lic

Lic V

- 30 -

V | V

C | T

V | V

V | V

C

V

C | C

V | V

in closed syllable: complement unlicensed Lic Gvt V | V

C

V

C | C

V

C | C

V | V

(70) facts to be accounted for a. question 1 1. in which way are yers (is schwa) different ? answer: they are weak. 2. what are the traces of their weakness ? 1. the fact that it alternates with zero 2. its inability to do what other vowels do: govern and license. 3. ==> there is a causal relation between the fact that schwa alternates with zero and "misbehaves". 4. Recall that the only property shared by all "schwas" is their alternating character. b. question 2 1. in case schwa "misbehaves", why does it produce the same effect as a closed syllable? 2. answer: because it is unable to be the head of a lateral relation (Government or Licensing). In CVCV, the definition of a closed syllable is "before an empty Nucleus". c. ground rule in Government Phonology: empty Nuclei are unable to dispense lateral relations. Only phonetically expressed Nuclei are good governors/ licensors. d. hence the disjunction "in closed syllables and before schwa" is reduced: - in closed syllables before a laterally disabled Nucleus - before schwa in languages where ==> the target vowel will be neither schwa is laterally disabled licensed nor governed

17. Self-contradictory evidence ? (72) empty Nuclei (yers) sometimes provoke strong, at other times weak alternants in the preceding syllable strong weak alternant / alternant / __Cyer example __Cyer a. Slavic vowel-zero vowel dom-ek, dom-eč-ek, dom-eč-øk-u vs. dom-øk-u b. French schwa - [E] [E] [apEl] appelle vs. [ap´le] appeler c. Western Slavic VV Polish ą-ę, cz/pol [ç]-[u(u)], ç > çç / __C+voice# e.g. krów, krów-ek, krów-øk-a vs. krow-a, cf. (43) d. Czech vowel length V žab, žak-ek, žab-øk-a vs. žáb-a e. French ATR -ATR [fEt] fête vs. [fete] fêter (73) independence of the parameter Havlík vs. Lower and the apparently contradictory effects of yers parameter on the target: schwa in the following Nucleus selects either the strong or the weak alteranant

V | V

C

V | ə

(74) There are two lateral forces in nature a. all contextual parameters being exactly identical, how can we conceive of opposite results ? there is no solution to this puzzle unless it is accepted that the yer context does not represent one, but two empirical patterns. b. for independent reasons (lenition, cf. Ségéral & Scheer 2001, Scheer 2004), a lateral force other than Proper Government is needed:

(71) in order to prevent terminological confusion: equivalences in different terminology Scheer Slavic Standard neutral (2004) terminoGP description CVCV logy alternaNucleus with a a. vowel that schwa ting yer alternates with lexically unassociated, yers or i.e. floating melody zero empty abstract final b. abstract vowel final empty Nucleus (also Nuclei vowels yer that occurs after Standard GP) word-final consonants

C

parameter on schwa: able (Havlík) vs. unable (Lower) to govern

Government: inhibits the segmental expression of its target Licensing: backs up the melodic expression of its target c.

Government and Licensing have the same phonotactic properties. hence in case schwa does not behave like ordinary vowels (i.e. in all instances of the yer context), it FAILS to do something: 1. if the Nucleus preceding schwa shows the weak alternant, schwa fails to license (i.e. to support) it. 2. if the Nucleus preceding schwa shows the strong alternant, schwa fails to govern it (i.e. to inhibit its expression).

- 31 -

- 32 -

18. Identification of the lateral relation through its effect (75) parameter setting "schwa cannot govern": distribution of Nuclei that are hit by a lateral relation a. V1 is hit b. V1 is not hit c. V1 is not hit

C V1 C | | | C V C

V | V

C V1 C | | | C V C

V | ´

C V1 C | | | C V C

(81) lateral actorship of schwa - version 3

V #

(76) distribution of Czech long and short vowels a. long when b. short when unlicensed licensed Lic C V C V C V | | | | C V C V

Lic C V C V C V | | | | C V C ´

Lic C V C V C V | | | C V C #

(77) lateral actorship of schwa - version 2 modern Slavic French German Old Czech, Old Polish, Slovak consonant

(79) distribution of long and short vowels in Western Slavic [ç]-[çç] general condition: vowels can only be long if followed by a voiced consonant. In addition, there is a lateral condition of the following kind. a. short when b. long when ungoverned governed

C V C V | | | | k r o w a o-ó): krowa NOMsg krów GENpl krów-ek dim GENpl Gvt V | e o

C | k w

Gvt V | u a

C V C | | d o m k stč –nĕ Vídeň, to be classified, analogical activity between both feminine suffixes: líheň, zeleň, holeň, tuleň, chlopeň, dřeň, dáseň, třáseň, jeseň, useň, vášeň, líšeň, Míšeň, míšeň, hrušeň, reveň, roveň, červeň, bázeň, kázeň, strázeň, sklizeň, přízeň ?, Plzeň, plzeň, trýzeň, žeň ?, stĕžeň, rožeň, předprseň, -eň fem báseň, plíseň, píseň, tíseň, žízeň, lázeň, < psl *-nü > stč Cn -ev fem konev, mrkev, štoudev, láhev, korouhev, rakev, ředkev, vikev, krokev, církev, broskev, brukev, tykev, pánev, krev, ratev, vĕtev, koroptev, plástev, ploutev, houžev -n-a kavárna, nákupna, chlebárna, šroubárna, rybárna, výtopna, ledárna, vodárna, jízdárna, mmlékárna, pekárna, lékárna, tiskárna, tužkárna, ocelárna, herna, čistírna, ... masc. t-stem loket, drobet, trochet, krapet, dehet, nehet, vĕchet -d-l-o neuter letadlo, zrcadlo, sedadlo, žahadlo, švihadlo, šplhadlo, kruhadlo, lákadlo, říkadlo, madlo, jímadlo, spínadlo, šlapadlo, čerpadlo, bradlo, hradlo, česadlo, pušt'adlo, divadlo, prádlo, sádlo, sedlo, bidlo, mučidlo, dĕlidlo, lepidlo, plavidlo, pravidlo, jídlo, vozidlo, mýdlo -l-o neuter teplo, draslo, máslo, heslo, řemeslo, křeslo, veslo, číslo, tříslo, svĕtlo, žezlo, kouzlo -el popel, čepel, koupel, trupel, sysel, kotel, pytel, havel, vĕrtel, ortel, -m-o neuter Znojmo, bĕlmo, jařmo, kouřmo, pižmo, křižmo, pásmo, písmo, pražmo -n-ý adj nemocný -stv-o ministerstvo, ptactvo, žactvo, mĕšt'áctvo, jeszdectvo, střelectvo, kupectvo, herectvo, zvířectvo, letectvo, savectvo, úřednictvo, předsednictvo, dĕlnictvo, rolnictvo, lesnictvo, číšnictvo, četnictvo, voličstvo, hasičstvo, lod'stvo, včelstvo, občanstvo, svinstvo, lékařstvo, zednářstvo, mnišstvo, družstvo

morph. identification -sk-o vojsko, štísko, cizozemsko, tuzemsko, loňsko, bříško, ouško -isk-o zubisko, hradisko, hledisko, středisko, východisko, skalisko, rumisko, oranisko, spálenisko, kamenisko, pramenisko, semenisko, zbořenisko, bahnisko, ohnisko, strnisko, chlapisko, psisko, vousisko, dobrotisko, čertisko, hrachovisko, mechovisko, rumovisko, stanovisko, křovisko, letovisko, pastvisko, názvisko, přízvisko, tĕžisko, ložisko, tĕlisko, -sko toponyms Sasko, Alsasko, Chebsko, Srbsko, Kladsko, Švédsko, Holandsko, Burgundsko, Chodsko, Frísko, Malajsko, Savojsko, Portugalsko, Bengálsko, Somálsko, Španĕlsko, Mongolsko, Polsko, Tyrolsko, Vlámsko, Nizozemsko, Dánsko, Jordánsko, Toskánsko, Bádensko, Slovensko, Hesensko, Československo, Finsko, Lotrinsko, Valonsko, Japonsko, Laponsko, Estonsko, Grónsko, Rumunsko, Duryňsko, Lipsko, ... loans hymna – hymen id. fiasko (?), firma, forma, Etna, flétna, algebra, zebra, katedra, karta, astra (2) alternating vs. non-alternating stems CeC – CøC-V masc. ocel, úhel, uhel, orel, uzel, zájem, den, sen, pes, ret, lev, šev, ocet, účet, čest, křest, len, mech, osel, uher fem. hra, kra, krev, lež, zed', ves, veš, lest, msta, mzda, peň, tma, výzva, leb neuter dno, jho, sklo, clo, zlo, sto heb, škleb, žleb, neb, hřeb CeC – CeC-V -b -c hec, kec, klec, plec, pec, sec, vĕc -č heč, skeč, leč, kleč, meč, řeč, křeč, seč, zteč -d jed, led, hled, sled, med, střed, vřed, sed -d' obĕd, dĕd, sled', šed', zed', mĕd', hnĕd', nápovĕd', -h šleh, špeh, břeh, střeh, steh, žeh, bĕh -ch cech, Čech, dech, lech, plech, slech, mech, pech, ořech, mĕch, pĕch, vĕch -j olej, rej, frej, dĕj -k jek, flek, vlek, úlek, klek, šnek, brek, rek, špek, Řek, břek, skřek, sek, šek, útek, vĕk -l účel, kel, chmel, tmel, pel, osel, posel, povel, žel, bĕl, mĕl -m lem, sem, zem, džem -n jen, len, člen, hlen, klen, plen, sten -ň žeň -p cep, čep, lep, klep, sklep, tep, step, štep -r úder, uher, nábĕr, zámĕr, potĕr -ř keř, zdĕř, zvĕř -s hles, ples, dres, třes, vřes, bĕs, dĕs, smĕs, závĕs, les -š pleš -t let, set, pĕt, štĕt, kvĕt, svĕt -t' plet', net', zet', obĕt', pamĕt' -v jev, řev, název, odĕv, zpĕv -z bez, fez, jez, nález, mez, rez, řez, dřez, výhřez, dčez, knĕz -ž než, rež, řež, vĕž

- 38 -

- 37 -

2. Closed Syllable Shortening vs. diminutive lengthening in Czech The paradigms where Closed Syllable Shortening is found in Czech are neuter -o and feminine -a. Table (89)a provides my personal count of roots that instantiate this pattern on the side of fem -a. Roots under (89)b refuse to shorten. [See Scheer (2001a,b) for detailed data concerning the -o declension, where all numbers mentioned in the tables below are fleshed out by the actual examples that they represent.]

Hence, Closed Syllable Shortening can certainly not be said to be synchronically active in Czech. It represents a vestige of a former state of the language, which, again, is not less real because it has existed some time ago. (89) long roots + -ka: Closed Syllable Shortening a. shortening altershortening in __#, __CCV nation noun -ka GENpl -CV nb ý-y skýva skyvka 1 í-i žíla žilka žil žilní 10 á-a skála skalka skal skalní 13 ou-u bouda budka bud 7 31 b. no shortening alterno shortening in __#, __CCV nation noun -ka GENpl -CV nb ý-y dýha dýžka dýh 5 í-i bříza břízka bříz 12 é-e bariéra bariérka bariér 3 á-a fasáda fasádka fasád fasádní 17 ó-o sezóna sezónka sezón sezónní 1 ou-u roura rourka rour 9 ů-o půda půdka půd půdní 5 52 (90) short roots + -ka a. lengthening alter- noun nation i-í kniha štika ø-é vĕtev e-í střecha ĕ-í vĕž dĕva e-é konev a-á hlava straka o-ů hora sova u-ou duha husa

-ka

joung nb individual knížka 3 štíče 5 vĕtévka 4 stříška 5 vížka 2 dívče 1 konévka 1 hlávka 2 stráče 4 hůrka 4 sůvĕ 3 doužka 3 house 2 24 15 39

b. no lengthening alter- noun nation y-y ryba vydra i-í lavice liška ø-é ovce e-í včela veverka ĕ-í Bĕta dĕva a-á pata kachna o-ů noha vlaštovk a u-ou ruka labut'

-ka rybka lavička ovečka včelka Bĕtka patka nožka

joung nb individual 2 vydře 1 3 lišče 3 1 2 veverče 4 1 dĕvče 1 1 kachnĕ 10 1 vlaštovče 5

ručka 13

labutĕ 29

2 5 42

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