The Language of Enlightened Politics: The Soci tO de 1789 in the French Revolution Mark Olsen ARTFL Project, University of Chicago, Chicago IL 60637, U.S.A.

Abstract: The Socidtd de 1789 was a political club founded in early 1790 to propagate the ideals of the Revolution and the Enlightenment. A systematicanalysis of the language found in the public discourse of the Socidtd using simple quantitative techniques suggests important distinctions in comparison to the language found in a baseline sample, a selection of the General Cahiers de doldances of 1789. It is further argued that these differences represent an Enlightened reforming tradition that carried into the French Revolution. Key Words: Socidtd de 1789, collocation, cahiers de doldances, French Revolution, political lexicology

I hope to accomplish three things in this paper: (1) to suggest that quantitative and systematic methodologies should be adopted by historians as an addition and complement to the traditional techniques of intellectual history; (2) to point out the possible theoretical and methodological grounds for the use of linguistic methods in intellectual history; (3) to outline some results using these methodologies in my current research. The use of computers in intellectual history is becoming more prevalent with the appearance of sophisticated textbase programs and the accumulation of large bodies of text like the A R T F L project at the University of Chicago. Computer use in intellectual history, however, can extend well beyond using the machine as a indexing system but must be informed by theoretical models drawn from other disciplines including linguistics and communications theory.

The paper describes one of my current research projects. The Socidt6 de 1789 was a club formed in 1790, made up of prominent liberal aristocrats, old regime bureaucrats, intellectuals and importand financiers. F o r m e d as a liberal think tank to stop the Revolution at the gains of 1789, the club was a breathtaking failure: it dissolved in less than a year and subsequently many of its members went into hiding or, for an unfortunate minority, kept an apointment with the Razor of Revolution. Its importance in this research is twofold: (1) the club consciously and loudly proclaimed its adherence to the Enlightenment and (2) many of its members were important ancien r~gime bureaucrats and intellectuals who later found employment in governments after the fall of the Jacobins and formed an intellectual reaction to the abuses of the Revolution.' By examining the political language of the club I hope to outline the structures of Enlightened political language and suggest that this discourse, while loosely linked to traditionally Enlightenment language, was more influenced by the alliance of Enlightened thinkers and the prerevolutionary reforming monarchy. The transformation of the late Enlightenment from an extragovernmental opposition to a movement involved in abortive reform attempts continued into the Revolution, reflected in the representation of government and action in the discourse of the Socirt6 de 1789. I

Mark Olsen is Assistant Director of the A R T F L Project at the University of Chicago and a doctoral candidate in French History at the University of Ottawa. Computers and the Humanities 23: 357--364, 1989. © 1989 KluwerAcademic Publishers. Printed in the Netherlands.

Historians are less concerned with unchanging "deep structures" than linguists. Instead, historical interest is diachronic, examining changing structures of vocabulary and syntax. The languages or

358

MARK OLSEN

discourses created in political revolutions have been a particularly fertile ground for research. This is due in part to the fact that language changes very slowly in normal circumstances -- imperceptibly to most speakers. In periods of crisis, however, language can change rapidly and becomes part of the political process. Franqois Furet, in his suggestive essays collected under the title Penser la R~volution franqaise, 2 argues that the real significance of the French revolution was that "[i]t invented a type of political discourse and practice by which we have been living ever since". In the Revolutionary effort to "re-conceptualize" the political, Language was substituted for power, for it was the sole guarantee that power would belong only to the people, that is, to nobody. Moreover, language - - unlike power, which is afflicted with the disease of secrecy - - is public, and hence directly subject to the scrutiny of the people?

Revolutionary situations accelerate changes in language and dramatically demonstrate the cleavages and contradictions of existing political language. The interplay of revolutionary language, ideologies and power was not lost on its contemporaries. Lynn Hunt points out that La Harpe, a bitter critic of the French Revolution, was conscious of the power of its language which he termed "its foremost instrument and the most surprising of all.''4 The Revolution was accompanied by a transformation of 'received common ideas' typically embedded in the lexical structure of a language. Thus, Jean-Baptiste Suard, member of the French Academy and the Soci6t6 de 1789, commented in June 1791: Languages always feel the effects of revolutions, in attetudes, morals, and, above all, in governments. In the passage, for example, from an absolute monarchy to a pure democracy, all the dictionaries are overturned, and by this the revolution becomes complete, the old language is quickly forgotten and the new more easily learned and understood: but when the revolution is not so cutting, when democracy and monarchy merge without being destroyed or lost, the old language and the new language also merge, and it becomes difficult to mark the extent or limits of words as well as powers. ~

Language, knowledge and power, for Suard, are inextricably bound together, where the confusion

of words reflects the confusion of powers. The concern over the "abuse of words," frequently expressed during the eighteenth century, reached a peak during the Revolution. The abb6 Morellet argued after Thermidor that the clear definition of 50 important terms, such as pouvoir, libertY, and peuple, could lead to the harmonious existence of mankind: . . . to cure men of many errors, it is frequently only required to have them attach just and precise ideas to words, of the sort that a good lexicographer would be the best teacher humanity could find. 6

This attempt to define an exact political terminology, which would automatically eliminate much political conflict, was an important aspect of Condorcet's political program which was inherited by the Id~ologues. 7 The analysis of political language is consistent with the contemporary consciousness that dramatic changes had occurred not only in political institutions but also in the language used to describe and debate the common sphere. Given the linkage between knowledge, power and language proposed by Michel Foucault, the significance of actors consciously manipulating language to recast the political in a revolutionary situation cannot be underestimated. Power, for Foucault, is exercised silently, buried in the structures of language and knowledge, but all the more pervasive for its silent, decentralized operation. 8 The French Revolution exposed many of the "languages of power" operating during the ancien r~gime and forced all of its actors to re-structure the networks of power and re-conceptualize the means by which power expressed/consolidated. In the language of the French revolutionaries is found the conscious manipulation of structures that normally pass undetected. The men of the Revolution were conscious of the relationship between power and knowledge and attempted, through the years of the Revolution, to re-establish the common political discourse that had dissolved in the final years of the ancien r~gime. II Structures of language change at varying tempos. Grammar and syntax change relatively slowly, preserving the basic outlines of a language's

THE LANGUAGE

OF ENGLIGHTENED

structure for many generations. By contrast, vocabulary is a far more volatile object, changing rapidly in the face of technological, social, political and cultural developments. The volatility of words, in contrast to the relative stability of syntax, makes the lexicon a more attractive object for diachronic study. Contemporary lexicology, according to Henri Mitterand, has moved beyong its previous 'fetish' of the individual word. It is now based on the hypothesis that the destiny of a word, and the entire lexicon, is subject to a double determinism; that which integrates a word in a structure of forms and uses, and that of the permanent interaction of socio-economic factors and linguistic structuresY

Lexicologists are not interested in individual words, but in the structures of the lexicon available to the speaker. The available lexicon places limits on possible thoughts, or, as Gustav Mator6 suggests "the word is anterior to the thought." "~A number of factors contribute the formation of and changes in a particular lexicon. Pierre Lafon suggests that "the linguistic code, the literary genre, the writer and his audience, the theme and particularly for political discourse, the conjoncture historique" j~ all contribute to the creation of a particular political vocabulary. The meaning of words cannot be considered apart from the historical circumstance of the emitter and the lexical and discursive context in which they occur. Le lexique, Regine Robin argues, is not a collection of juxtaposed terms but a structured whole, a system made of associations and oppositions, where each item depends on its position in the lexical chain, on its position and not its explicit, univoque meaning which is fixed for all timeJ 2

The word is a complex object of study, where the transmission of meanings is dependent on historical and discursive circumstance of its usage. Since the vocabularies are not stable or clearly fixed objects, they can be best studied by comparing two or more discourses. Pierre Lafon suggests that "the methods used in lexical statistics leads necessarily to comparison." 13 Several kinds of comparisons can be made. One is to divide the text or texts under consideration into discrete sections that can be compared with the corpus as a

POLITICS

359

whole or with subsections of the text. An alternative approach is to directly compare two bodies of text for patterns of similarity and differences. One might compare different political vocabularies within a single culture or compare the lexicons of different cultures. IIl The corpora used in this study are drawn from two distinct sources. Approximately 165,000 items are from lead articles in the Journal de la Socidt~ de 1789 and pamphlets whose publication was ordered by the club. ~4 The majority of these 45 discourses were read, in their original form, as speeches before the members of the Soci6t6. These origins are very much in evidence, since many texts address the audience directly, either as nous or vous. The other corpus that is used in this study is 105,000 words drawn from the cahiers de doldances the majority of which were drafted before the Revolution began. The term cahier de dolOance might be translated book of complaints, and were in fact drafted for submission to the king by elected representatives to the Estates General which had been called in 1788. While the sample is only a tiny portion of extant cahiers and is skewed in particular ways, it does represent a useful base of comparison since the 35 texts are drawn from various parts of France and from all Three Estates -- the Clergy, Nobility and Third Estate. As a whole, the cahiers represent "the best gauge of public opinion of French leadership in 1789 ''~5 and, one can safely add, the clearest expression of the political language of the French elite on the eve of the Revolution. Merely counting items of both bodies of text flags important differences in areas of concern. For the men of the club of '89, they frequently mention the importance of new laws, the creation of a constitution and the re-establishment of the nation's finances. The cahiers, not unexpectedly, are far more concerned with more mundane issues of commerce, preservation of their rights in the upcoming estates general, and the primacy of local issues. While in both texts the nation assumes a high degree of importance, the king, sa majest?, appears only rarely in the discourses of the Soci6t6 de 1789, though the club was moderate and in support of the constitutional manarchy. The

360

MARK OLSEN

cahiers o n the o t h e r h a n d , a p p e a l e d to the king, b o t h as a m a t t e r of f o r m a n d o f s u b s t a n c e . But c o u n t i n g the o c c u r r e n c e o f w o r d s is r a r e l y satisfactory. M a u r i c e T o u r n i e r , for e x a m p l e , p o i n t s o u t that a s e c o n d stage of w o r k is necessary: "the statistical d e s c r i p t i o n of c o - o c c u r r e n c e s . ''~6 W h i l e m e a s u r e m e n t o f gross w o r d use can give a r o u g h i n d i c a t i o n of meaning, analysis of c o - o c c u r rences can p r o v i d e a m o r e exact d e s c r i p t i o n o f w o r d use a n d r e l a t i o n s h i p s b e t w e e n texts. W o r d s c o n s i s t e n t l y p l a c e d in a certain lexical c o n t e x t will b e c o m e ' i d e a units', taking o n n e w o r e x t e n d e d meaning. T h e g e n e r a l i d e a o f l o o k i n g for sets of w o r d s that o c c u r t o g e t h e r is n o t difficult: T o u r n i e r m e n t i o n s the string "salut-fraternel" while J. R. F i r t h p o i n t s o u t that 'silly ass' is a c o m m o n expression. Unfortunately, a more systematic definition o f c o l l o c a t i o n is less f o r t h c o m i n g . G. B e r r y - R o g g h e cites H a l l i d a y ' s definition o f collocation: the syntagmatic association of lexical items, quantifiable, textually, as the probability that there will occur at n removes (a distance of n lexical items) for an item x, the items a, b, c,...~7 C o m p a r i s o n of c o l l o c a t i o n s with o t h e r texts o r writers can give striking i n d i c a t i o n s o f similarities o r d i f f e r e n c e s in w o r d use. T h e statistical r e l a t i o n ship b e t w e e n w o r d s can also b e m e a s u r e d . If o n e i m a g i n e s that a text is a r a n d o m d i s t r i b u tion of w o r d s , m e a s u r i n g the c o r r e l a t i o n b e t w e e n the o c c u r r e n c e o f two w o r d s with in set s p a n can give a m o r e s o p h i s t i c a t e d i d e a of w o r d use. G. B e r r y - R o g g h ' s " z - s c o r e " is just such a m e a s u r e o f r e l a t i o n b e t w e e n w o r d s J ~ It is a m a t r i x c o m p a r i n g e x p e c t e d r a n d o m d i s t r i b u t i o n of two w o r d s of k n o w n f r e q u e n c i e s in a text of k n o w n size against the actual d i s t r i b u t i o n . In m y i m p l e m e n t a t i o n , w r i t t e n in S N O B O L 4 + , all w o r d s within a s p a n of 12 w o r d s (filtering o u t f u n c t i o n w o r d s ) a r e w o r d s u s e d to g e n e r a t e a table of f r e q u e n t c o l l o c a t e s J 9 This m e a s u r e s the d e g r e e to which two w o r d s a r e r e l a t e d taking into a c c o u n t the f r e q u e n c i e s o f the two words, size of the text a n d size o f the span. T h e statistic is relatively a c c u r a t e , p a r t i c u l a r l y w h e n u s e d with high f r e q u e n c y collocates. A g o o d e x a m p l e is the f r e q u e n t a n d c o n s i s t e n t use of the items impOt a n d i m p d t s in all of the cahier de doldances suggests that m o s t F r e n c h m e n in 1 7 8 9 were, n o t surprisingly, c o n c e r n e d with

TABLE 1 Collocations of items "imp6t" and "imp6ts" in Sample of Cahiers de dol6ances, 1789 (Z > 7.0)

Collocates

Total Frequency

Collocate Frequency

Zscore

consentis aucun perception repartition consentement dette levee supporter consentir besoins peuples subsides produit

7 93 44 36 26 33 12 13 15 47 17 26 37

5 18 10 9 7 7 4 4 4 7 4 5 6

14.8 13.7 11.3 11.3 10.4 9.0 8.8 8.4 7.7 7.3 7.2 7.2 7.1

issues c o n c e r n i n g taxation. T h e n a t u r e of this c o n c e r n is nicely d e m o n s t r a t e d b y the m o s t highly c o r r e l a t e d items. R u n n i n g d o w n this list o f c o l l o c a t e d items, it is e v i d e n t that c o n s e n t to t a x a t i o n is o f p a r a m o u n t i m p o r t a n c e to the those drafting the cahiers. T h e s e n u m b e r s are c o n f i r m e d when e x a m i n i n g the texts in which the t e r m s a r e used. T a b l e 2 shows the texts w h e r e the items c o n s e n t e m e n t a n d impOt/impOts occur. T w o imp o r t a n t factors e m e r g e here: (1) that the item can b e used in either a positive o r negative sense w i t h o u t changing the statistics a n d (2) that the o n e

TABLE 2 Concordance of imp6t/imp6ts and consentement 1. p6riodique des Etats G6n6raux, sans le consentement desquels aucun tmp6t ne poura 6tre 6tabli ny exig& 2. Consentement ii supporter une partie de L'tmp6t ~ &ablir l'l~tat de n'acquieser ni m6me de faire esp6rer aucun secours 3. d'lmp6t que les 6tats n'y ayent donne leur consentement sous la 4. ne soit fait aucune imposition n'y Etabli aucune nouvel impOt sans le consentement des Etats-GEn6raux. 5. ne soit fait aucun emprunt directe ou indirecte, 6tabli aucun impOt, accord6 aucun subside, sans le libre consentement des ~tats g6nEraux, 6. de ne mettre aucune imp6t sans le consentement des Etats g6n6raux, mais encore de n'en proroge aucun sans 7. Qu'aucun impot ne sera ~ l'avenir mis ou prorog6 sans le consentement des Etats Generaux du

THE LANGUAGE OF E N G L I G H T E N E D POLITICS item can modify another across intervening clauses. The m e a s u r e m e n t of collocation is a relatively accurate guide to word use since it can detect modifiers that are remotely associated with the item in question. The combination of traditional and statistical methodologies highlights similarities and differences in the language of the cahiers and the Soci&6 de 1789. F o r example, both texts d e m o n strate a concern with the establishment of legitimate representation of the nation. But where the Cahiers depict the nation in largely passive terms, the men of 1789 are far m o r e concerned with an active defense nation's interests and maintenance of its new political position. The relationship of the nation and the monarch are deliberately vague in the cahiers. The nation is not sovereign, but expresses itself to the souverain, appealing at times to the "coeur patriotique du Souverain et des reprdsentants de la Nation". The sovereign and the nation, meeting in its assemblies, the Estates General and Provincial Estates, decide on matters of taxation, finance and representation. The discourse of cahiers, while asserting that the nation has the right to decide over matters of taxation and finances, sees its actions as moderated through the power and authority of the king. A year later, the moderates of the Soci6t6 de 1789 had a clearer, m o r e politically explosive,

TABLE 3 Comparison of collocates of nation in the Cahiers de dolOancesand the Socirt6 de 1789, Z > 7.0 Soci6t6 de 1789

Cahiers de dolrances

item

zscore

item

zscore

leze representans entiere crimes nom volonte assemblee droit toute interets libre

37.5 19.8 14.2 12.3 11.2 8.5 8.3 7.5 7.7 7.2 7.2

souverain assemblee ministres subsides finances assemblees voeux

14,3 13.6 9,1 8.8 8.4 8.1 7.6

361

representation of the nation. The nation is free (fibre), has its own definable interests, rights and will, and it is being plotted against. Finally, political power is exercised in the name of the nation and not through the sovereign. It is the marquis de Condorcet, philosophe and friend of Voltaire, who points out that "pouvoirs exercrs au nom de la nation enti~re" are the real source of authority. The most highly correlated term, ldze, is a direct transposition of the crime of ldse-majest& a crime against the nation even at this early stage of the Revolution takes on the same magnitude as the ancien r~gime crime against the King or God. Crimes against the nation replace crimes against the monarch as the essential basis of high treason, suggesting that, even for the constitutional monarchists of 1790, the nation had b e c o m e the organizing principle of the state. The conceptual realignment of placing the community around the nation rather than the person of the king, a process which is evidenced weakly in the cahiers, is quite pronounced in the Soci&6 de 1789. It would be pointless to search the great Enlightenment figures like Voltaire or d'Alembert for such a construction. The political views of the High Enlightenment were neither clear nor systematically expressed. The late Enlightenment philosophes, however, had turned to an alliance with government to implement their humanitarian goals, an alliance that was cemented by the failed efforts of Turgot to reform the monarchy in 1776. The importance of this development, argues C. G. Stricklen, is that it shows the ideological and practical readiness of the philosophes to play a political role well before the Revolution. He concludes, although the late Enlightenment intellectuals were not revolutionaries in the modern sense, and formed no conspiracy to overthrow the government, they were well prepared to view their actions in political terms, and to act politically in order to realize their ideals when the appropriate moment came. They had prepared themselves well for putting an end to that disjunction between thought and action characteristic of Enlightenment socml and political theory by politicizing the intellectual capacities of the philosophe and rationalizing the humanitarian ideal of the Enlightenment.2° •

.

.

The political language of the Enlightenment, as suggested by 1789's use of the word nation,

362

MARK OLSEN

reflects the politicization of the intellectual and suggests that this discourse played a role in the elaboration of a national ideology during the opening years of the Revolution. IV The combation of computer-aided analysis informed by theoretical models from other disciplines and traditional methods offer intellectual historians powerful tools to raise issues and gather new information about old problems, such the relationship of the Enlightenment to the French Revolution. In my own work, the combination of textbase systems and quantitative lexicology have shown to be important additions to my analysis. The close examination of changing word use and meaning during a revolutionary situation provides a more rigorous approach to the history of ideas than previously available. Notes See Augustin Challamel, Les clubs contre-r~volutionaires: cercles, comitrs, socidtks, salons, rdunions, cafes, restaurants et librairies (Paris: Maison Quantin, 1895) p. 393. The material dealing with the Soci&~ de 1789 is found on pp. 391--443; Claude Perroud, "Quelques notes sur le Club de 1789," in R~volution franfaise: Revue d'histoire contemporaine, 39 (1900), pp. 255--62; Keith Baker, '~Politics and Social Science in Eighteenth Century France: the Socidtd de 1789," in J. F. Bosher, ed., French Government and Soctety (1500-1850). Essays in Memory of Alfred Cobban. (London, 1973). This article was reprinted virtually verbatim in Baker's Condorcet From Natural Philosophy to Social Mathematics (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1975) pp. 272--85: Brian Head, ~'The Origins of la science socmle in France, 1770--1800," in Australian Journal of French Studies, 19 (1982); Sergio Moravia, "La socirt6 d'Auteuil et la Rrvolution," in Dix-Huiti~me sldcle, 6 (1974) and Sergio Moravia, H tramonto dell'tllumblismo: FUosofia e pofitica nella societd francese (1770-1810) (Bark Editori Laterza, 1968). 2 Francois Furet, Interpreting the French Revolutton, trans., E. Forester. (Cambridge, 1981 ). Ibid., p. 46. 4 Cited in Lynn Hunt, Polittcs, Culture and Class m the French Revolution (Los Angeles, 1984), p. 51. Cited in Roger Barny, "Les mots et les choses chez les hommes de la Revolution fran~aise," in La Pensde 202 (1978) p. 96 (Author's translation). c, Citied in Ibid., pp. 101 (Author's translation). 7 See, for instance, Condorcet's famous comment in the tenth book of the Esquisse where he describes the creation of a scientific language (Condorcet, Esquisse d'un tableau historique des progr~s de l'esprit humaine [Paris, 1971 ], p. 272). Pierre-Louis Roederer considered the analysis of words an

important part of the "sciences morales et politiques" ("De la faction et du parti" in Oeuvres du Comte P. L. Roederer, pair de France, membre de l'lnstitut . . . publi~es par son ills . . . . vol.6 (Paris, 1857)p. 217. Michel Foucault, Power~Knowledge, translated and edited by Colin Gordon, (New York: Pantheon Books, 1980). Henri Mitterand. Les Mots Franfaise (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1963) p. 3 (Author's translation). J" G. Matorr, La Methode en lexicologie: domaine franfaise (Paris, 1972), p. xxix. ~ Pierre Lafon, Ddpouilliements et statistiques en lkxtcom~trie (Gen~ve-Paris: Slatkine-Champion, 1984), p. 50. ~" Rrgine Robin, La socidt~ franfaise en 1789: Semur-enAuxrois. (Paris: 1970) p. 294, (Author's Translation). Jean DuBois also makes the same comment in his Le vocabulawe politique et soctal en France, de 1869 6 1872, (Paris, 1962) writing "Le lexique n'est pas un simple agglom6rat d'une quanut6 de roots isolrs, c'est un syst~me o/1 routes les unitrs sont coordonnres les unes aux autres ou opposres les unes aux autres" (p. 188). J~ Lafon, D~pouillements . . . . p. 24. ]4 The Journal de la Soci~td de 1789 has recently been reprinted by EDHIS: Editions d'Histoire Sociale (Paris, 1982). See Appendix One list of texts included in the Soci&~ de 1789 corpus. ~s The classic description of the General Cahiers and the complete texts of those Cahiers included in this sample corpus are found in Beatrice Fry Hyslop's A Guide to the General Cahiers of 1789 with the texts of Unedited Cahters (New York: Columbia University Press, 1936). Also see her French Nationalism in 1789 Accordmg to the General Cahiers (New York: Octagon Books, 1968). These cahiers have also been submitted by the author to the ARTFL project, University of Chicago. ~" Maurice Tournier, "Le Vocabulaire des prtitions ouvri~res de 1848: Etude des parentages statistiques," in Rdgine Robin, Histotre et linguistique (Paris, 1973), p. 297. t7 In G. L. M. Berry-Rogghe, "Computation of Collocations and their Relevance in Lexical Studies," m The Computer and Literary Studies, ed. A. J. Aitken et. al. (Edinburgh, 1972) p. 103. ~x Ibid., p. 103. This approach is taken in Louis-Georges Harvey and Mark Olsen "French Revolutionary Forms in French Canadian Political Language" (Paper presented to the Society for French Historical Studies, Quebec City, March 20, 1986). Results of this research are forthcoming in Canadian Historical Review and the Journal of lnterdisciphnary History. ~9 A sample output of the z-score generation program written for this study is found in Appendix Two. The program is partially interactive in allowing the user to specify report formats, sorting on frequenmes or words and direct the output to printer, screen or disk file. 2. Charles Stricklen, ~'The Phdosophe's Political Mission: The Creation of an Idea, 1750--1789," in Studies on Voltawe and the 18th Century, 86 (1971 ), p. 106.

Appendix One Description of texts drawn from the Journal de la Soci~td de

THE LANGUAGE

OF ENGLIGHTENED

1789 and texts whose publication was sponsored by the SociEt6 de 1789. These texts are being made available to researchers through the ARTFL project at the University of Chicago. Addition aux observations de M. Lavoisier, d~putO suppliant du baillage de Blois, sur la liquidation de la dette exigible ou arriOrOe. S.I.n.d. Adresse de la SociOtd de Mil-sept-cent-quatre-vingt-neuf d M M Julien et Mestre, membres de cette soci~tO. S.I.n.d. "Adresse ~ l'AssemblEe Nationale" rEdigre par M. de Condorcet dans Journal de la Soct~t~ de 1789. 5 juin 1790. Aperqu de la constitution francaise, par un homme d'Am~rique, et R~ponse sommaire ~ tout ce qu 'on a Ocrit et ~crira en France et en Angleterre pour, suret contre cette constitution. Paris: Imp. Lejay ills, s.d. [1790]. Assignats. Discours prononcJ, le 3 septembre 1790, c~ la SociJt~ de Mil-sept-cent-quatre-vingt-neuf, par un de ses membres, sur l'emission de deux millards d'assignats, sans mt~r~t, proposOe 6 l'AssemblOe nationale. Paris: Potier de Lille, 1790. "'Aux amis de la libertr, sue les moyens d'en assurer la durEe'" de M. de Condorcet dans Journal de la SociOt~ de 1789. 7 aofit 1790. "Avis au Peuple Franqois sur ses vEritables ennemis" par Andr6 Chenier dans Journal de la SociOt~ de 1789. 28 aofit 1790. "Considerations sur le dEcret du 22 Mai" de M. Grouvelle dans Journal de la SoctOtd de 1789. 12 juin 1790. "Considerations sur la positions politique de la France, de l'Angleterre, et de l'Espagne" par M. DuPont, drput6 du bailliage de Nemours fi l'Assembl~e Nationale, dans Journal de la Soci~t~ de 1789. 26 juin 1790. "ConsidErations sur le drcret du 18 Juin, et sur l'opinion de M. Necker h ce sujet", par M. Grouvelle dans Journal de la Soci~t~ de 1789. 10 juillet 1790. De la liquidation de la dette exigible. Lu 6 la Soci~t~ de Mtlhuit-cent-quatre-vingt-neuf, par un membre de cette SocietY, le 15 septembre 1790. S.I., 1790. "Des loix consitutionelles sur l'administration des finances" de M. de Condorcet dans Journal de la SociOt~ de 1789. 12 juin 1790. "Des classes des gens de mer, ou nouvelles r~flexions sur la plus importante de nos institutions maratimes." de M. Kersaint dans Journal de la Soci~tO de 1789. 29 juillet 1790. Ebauche d'un nouveau plan de Soct~t~ patrtottque, adopt~ par le Club de Mil-sept-cent-quatre-vingt-neuf. Paris: Imp. Nationale, s.d. [ 1790] Extrait des registres de la SociOtk de Mil-sept-cent-quatrevingt-neuf. Imp. Ve HErissant, S.d. "Extraits du proc~s-verbal des srances de la Socirt6 de 1789, du vendredi 3 Septembre 1790." dans Journal de la Soci~tO de 1789. 15 septembre 1790. Faut-il des assignats de petites sommes? Par M. M . . . , membre de la SociOt~ de mil-huit-cent-quatre-vingt-neuf Lu 6 cette Soci~tO le 15 septembre 1790. Paris: Potier de Lille, S.d. "Fragmens d'un discours prononc6 le 18 juillet 1790 dans

POLITICS

363

l'oratoire des protestans, au musre de la rue Dauphine. Par M. Marron, membre de la soci&~ de 1789." dans Journal de la Soci~tO de 1789. 29 juiUet 1790. IdOes de ctrconstances, soumises d la Socikt~ de Mil-sept-centquatre-vingt-neuf, par un de ses membres, le vendredi 14 janvier 1791. Imp. du Postilion, S.d. "Lettre au Rrdacteur" de M. Grouvelle dans Journal de la Soci~td de 1789. 24 juillet 1790. Motion de M. de Villette, au (\lub de Mil-sept-cent-quatrevingt-neuf, le 17juin 1790. S.I.n.d. Motion sur l'abrogation des testaments en linge directe, lue la SocidtJ de Mil-sept-cent-quatre-vingt-neuf, par JeanPierre Pezous, d~put~ du d~partement du Tam 6 l'Assemblue nattonale, le 19 novembre 1790. Paris: Imp. Nationale, S.d. "Observations sur la loi relative aux dElits qui peuvent se commettre par la voie de la Presse" par M. Fr. de Pange dans Journal de la SociOt~ de 1789. 21 aofit 1790. "ObsErvations sur le decret constitutif de l'armEe de mer, du 26 Jura, rendu sans discussion", par M. de Sh[Klersaint, chef de division de l'armEe navale" dans Journal de la Soci~tO de 1789. 17 juillet 1790. Opinion sur les assignats et Proposition d'un autre mode de liberation, prononc~ d la Socidt~ de Mil-sept-cent-quatre vingt-neuf, par un de ses membres. Paris: imp. Potier de Lille, 1790. Opinion ~nonc~e ~ la Soci~td de Mil-sept-cent-quatre-vingtneuf,, sur les lois constitutionnelles, leur caract~res dtstinctifs, leur ordre naturel, leur stabilit~ relativk, leur revision solennelle, par M. Ramond. membre de cette SociOtO. Premidre partie. Paris: Belin, 1791. Opinion sur les assignats, par M. L***. Paris: imp Potier de Lille, 1790. Plan de hqutdation, par un membre de la SociOt~ de 1789. Paris: imp. du Patriote franqaise, 1790. "Prospectus" in Journal de la Soci~t~ de 1789. 5 juin 1790. ROflexions sur la somme d'impft territorial que demande le comttd de l'imposition, adressOes et hws, le 24 septembre, ~J la Soct~t~ de Mil-sept-cent=quatre-vingt-neuf, par M. de Casaux, membre de cette SociOtO. Paris: Imp. Lejay ills, 1790. "Rrflexions sur les assignats" dans Journal de la SocidtO de 1789. 15 septembre 1790. "'Rrfiexions sur la dette dite exigtble et sur les moyens proposes pour la rembourser" par M. de Casaux dans Journal de la Soci~tk de 1789. 4 septembre 1790. Rdflexions sur les assignats et sur la hquidatton de la dette exigible ou arridr~e, hws ~ la Soci~t~ de Mil-sept-centquatre-vmgt-neuf, le 29 ao~t 1790, par M. Lavoisier, d~put~ suppliant du badlage de Blots. Paris: Clousier, s.d. SocidtJ de Mil-sept-cent-quatre-vingt-neuf. S.I.n.d. "Suite de l'article sur l'organisation de la Garde Nationale" par M. T. Guiraudet dans Journal de la Soci~tO de 1789. 14 aofit 1790. "Suite de l'article du prrcEdent numEro sur le prrjug6 qux suppose une opposition d'intEr&s entre la capitale et les provinces" par M. de Condorcet dans Journal de la SociOt~ de 1789. 17 juillet 1790. "Sur le prrjugE qui suppose une contrri&E d'intrrrts entre la

364

MARK OLSEN

capitale et les provinces" de M. de Condorcet dans Journal de la Soci~t~ de 1789. 10 juillet 1790. "Sur l'admission des femmes au droit de cit6" de M. de condorcet, dans Journal de la Soci~t~ de 1789. 26 juin 1790. "Sur le crime de lbze-nation" de M. le chevalier de Pange dans Journal de la Soci~t~ de 1789. 12 juin 1790. "Sur le ddcret du 13 avril 1790" dans Journal de la Soci~tO de 1789. 12 juin 1790. "Sur la ddldgation de l'exercice du droit de la guerre et de la paix'" de M. Grouvelle dans Journal de la SociOt~ de 1789. 5 juin 1790. "Sur les Assignats" discours prononcd par M. Huskisson, Anglois et membre de la Socidtd de 1789 dans Journal de la Soci~tO de 1789. 4 septembre 1790. "Sur l'organisation de la Garde Nationale" par M. T. Guiraudet dans Journal de la Soci~td de 1789. 7 aofit 1790. "Sur les tribunaux d'appel" par M. de Condorcet dans Journal de la Socidtd de 1789. 29 juillet 1790. Theorie et Pratique des assignats. M~moire lu 6 la SociOtd de Mil-sept-cent-quatre-vingt-neuf, les 5 et 6 septembre 1790. Paris: Imp. Vezard et Le Normand. S.d. Ultimatum, par un membre de la Soci~t~ de Mil-sept-centquatre-vingt-neuf, lu d la dit SocietY, le 26 septembre 1790. Pans, imp. du Patriote franqaise, S.d.

Appendix Two Sample output of Z-Score Generation Program. The program reads text input files generated by the Brigham Young University Concordance Program and uses the BYU item frequency files to calculate Z-scores. Output can be sorted by word or collocation frequency and directed to the printer, screen or disk. This version is written in SNOBOL4+ for the IBM-PC.

Z-score Generation Program

11-01-86 23:32

Journal de la Socidtd de 1789 Poleword --:raison:-- : 80 Total words: 85857. Minimum Collocation frequency: 4 Span: 12 Total number of collocates: 964 Collocate esprit notre autorite interets votre toujours avoir rut autre nos ami hommes autres liberte conscience encore sens comme justice nous loix avec raison

Total Freq.

Collocate Freq.

Z-score

22 112 12 57 33 98 87 30 70 168 5 190 80 190 26 147 23 262 45 460 158 211 80

4. 4. 4. 4. 4. 4. 4. 4. 4. 4. 5. 5. 5. 5. 5. 6. 6. 6. 7. 8. 8. 8. 80.

7.6 2.5 10.5 4.2 6.0 2.8 3.1 6.4 3.7 1.6 21.1 2.0 4.4 2.0 8.8 3.4 11.4 1.8 9.2 1.3 4.7 3.7 79.3