Published in Towards Social Stability and Democratic Governance in Central in Central Eurasian: Challenges to Regional Security; edited by Irina Morozova, IOS press, Nato Science Series, 2005, pp. 50-63.

ISLAM IN POST-SOVIET CENTRAL ASIA : DEMOCRACY OR JUSTICE? by Catherine Poujol

PROLOGUE : ORIENT VERSUS OCCIDENT? To understand why in the last decade of the XXth century, while one of the last “global Empire” of the planete was collapsing in a context of an exacerbated “South-North”resentment, the elites of the Central Asian Independant States were not inclined to welcome the Western values that it tries to compel them, we must remind few historical notions. We can underline first the "longue durée", the depth and the singularity of the Central Asian space as a place especially from the beginning of its islamisation on (VIII-X century), cut off from long lasting contacts with the external non muslim world, except the colonization process of the second part ot the XIX century. In this apparently open space (steppes, deserts, lack of frontiers) which was in reality, partially closed, "kafirs" were never welcomed. Their coming, even officially peacefull (as diplomats, scientists, travellers, merchants), always entailed a destabilizing action within the local societies, due to the suspicion they were generally submitted to. So far, Central Asian oases, which had a long practice of occasional contacts (commercial or diplomatic), or lasting and violent ones (conquests) with the Chinese, Indian, Mongol, Persan world, did not promote a tradition of exchanges with the Werstern world, after the Mongol conquest and the new deal in the geopolitical sphere this medieval pattern of globalization has provoked. That might be the ground for a significant difference with the Ottoman Empire, Persia, China where permanent Christian missions were attested since the XVIth century.

The direct consequence of this phenomenon is the persistance, centuries after centuries, of an distrust attitude toward the representatives of "infidel culture", a negative vision of “the Other”, necesseraly full of bad intentions up to create quite a paranoiac syndrom. table1 Exogenus vision Medieval and pre-colonial Central Asia: terra incognita cyclically rediscovered Colonial Period: the vision of the winners, conquered land, fear of protesting islam Soviet Period : vision of the Center, territory to developp, a periphery as an economic burden for the Center Post-Soviet Period : the globalized vision, a territory to democratize, to reform, to help, to integrate, to secure

Endogenus vision The foreigner is the unbeliever, the predatory.

spy,

the

the vision of the losers : technological superiority of the Russians, Frontal attack against the dar el-islam, persistance, cooptation, acculturation A Periphery building its national craddle, the rise of national Elites, protonationalisma, (the Coton Affair in Uzbekistan, the Kolbin Affair in Kazakhstan) Resistance or not against Globalization (financing Institutions, convertibility in Uzbekistan), reistance to entrism of the large foreign firms, captation of capital, syndrom of deprivation, the Uzbek way, the Kazakh way.

From the point of view of the Western powers, (Christian European mainly, Russia never having forgotten its southern frontiers), Central Asia, whose name has changed during centuries from Transoxiana, Tartaria, Touran, to Turkestan, was submitted to a cyclic occulting phenomenon, followed by rediscovery periods. So far, one can observe in Central Asia, an pendulum movement of openning and closing, the most recent one occuring in 1991. This leads to the resurgence in the western approach of the existence of fragilized societies in transition, unbalanced, practising a resiliant Islam, mostly minimalist, for what concerned the dogmatic knowledge of the population during the soviet decades. But would it be resiliant or resurgent, Islam is actually the only global political, ethical and social system that can be mobilized for ruling these societies. So far, they seem to be potentially receptive to a well

done and highly financed proselytism, which is not a neglegting factor in a period of economic crisis. For more than one decade, Islam was seen by the westerners through an exaggerated and over simple representation which lies on two postulates : its complete eradication by the Soviet Power and the fear ( under the influence of Russian and American medias) of its major radicalisation from the end of Perestroïka. Reality and life of these Central Asian societies must be handle quite differently. If some people, mostly among the young generations made its come back to dogmatic practice, the remaining population is still bounded to a ritualized and moderated Islam. Concerning the political opposition, borned in the clandestinity from the 1970s, galvanized by the Soviet involvment in Afghanistan, it only concerns a very thin fringe of the Uzbek, Tadjik and Kirghiz societies, the two remaining republics (that is Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan), beeing less affected by extremism, for various reasons. ISLAM, FIFTEEN YEARS AFTER THE COLLAPSE OF THE USSR : BETWEEN THE LOCAL AND THE GLOBAL? We could think that the community of Central Asian experts has taken its time for reflexion after fifteen years, about the consequences of the disrupt of the Soviet system in this area, its impact on Islamic issues, and on its massive reinsertion into "Global Islam". Allthough, its shows a sharp tendency to continue to be divided into two antagonist postures. So far, as during the Cold war time, we can note the partition between the followers of the fight against the "Empire of Evil" and those for whom the end of the Communist system did not economically and politically benefit to the majority of the population. Today, the border line goes between the defenders of the neo-liberal model, the Market Democracy, the good governance, reforms under World bank supervision, which must be extended to the whole planet or those who consider that the world must be multipolar and multiple, that each people is responsible of its political and cultural structure, that a single transplantation of external values is not the best solution to integrate new members in the World Community and finally that the laicist model bears more Democracy and acceptance of “the Other”. Considering the reflection on islamism made by external to Central Asia actors, this confrontation can be summarize between those who think that each

terrorist act is made by the islamist internationalist (new term appearing in the medias) so to say, the followers of the total war against djihadist (USA, Russia, China, Israël) and those who want to understand its reasons and nature. At the internal level, the Central Asian elites are refering to global terrorism, seen as monolithical although sparse all over the world. Nevertheless, the population, systematically conclude to an internal to the regime origin of any terrorist attempt (“terract”, in russian). Indeed, since September 9/11, things have sharply changed with the globalization of islamic extremism, allthough this disrupt was allready perceptible more than decades ago... For sure, we all leave now under the global threat of small or big scale tragedies, the "fear industry", as the French sociologist Michel Wieworka wrote in 20031. The whole world is the hostage of sparse decentralised groups of men and women, more and more often called kamikaze, who are acting under the banner of Islam, in a new definition of Global terrorism or hyperterrorism2. However, each country has its own problems set. It is a real mistake to use a single conceptual frame for interpretating the Colonial and Post-colonial situation in Tchechnya (with a political and a social basis representated by the 20 millions muslim minority of the Russian Federation) and the one in Uzbekistan or Tadjikistan where muslims constitute the 85-90% majority. Of course, we can easily understand the recurrent terrorist actions in Russia through the prism of The Thechen issue, but what is going on in Central Asia? In this region, seen as instable and dangerous for the neighbouring States security, paroxysmal situation is announced for more than a decade of Independance. In this perspective, the march-april 2004 and 30th of July “teracty” were targeted on police forces or Foreign representations (namely US and Israel)... What could we think about the president Karimov explanation refering to the "zombirovanie" (zombification) of Uzbek citizens abroad (namely the tribal zones in Pakistan), when the one of the simple citizen is systematically " internal fighting within the internal power structures". Maybe it could be a mix of the two factors? Now, the problem is to avoid the simplist amalgam that is carried on by the medias, and the political elite of each concerned countries : any event linking social violence with Islam is interpretated as due to a terrorist action3, an infra political act, even denying it the status of a political one. It would have been 1See

WIEVORKA, M., "Terrorismes, une rupture historique?", Ramsès, 2003, pp. 29-41.

2Ibid. 3For

a new definitions of terrorism, see, WIEWORKA, 2OO3, art.cit., pp. 37-38, HEISBOURG, F., 2001.

without any doubt organized from "outside" the national boundaries into which it occured or at least manipulated by outsiders. Yet, the actors are citizens of one country, living in another, acting or eventually planning to act in a third one. Moreover, they are paid by transnational organizations. Are they global actors (mercenaries of islamism) or National soldiers of islamism and Justice? table 2 Between Global and Local GLOBAL Non muslim West Rediscovering Central Asian Islam, as an exnihilo resurgence, exagerating its political capability

Muslim States

Russian Fédération

new zone to reislamize, proselytism, taking in account a strong acculturation

buffer zone crucial for Russian security, problem of Tadjikistan

Since the9.11 Center and taking in account ground for of local realities, terrorism, logistic more effective base, help, fear of state military post authorities

2001... center and ground for terrorism, need for developping cooperation in security field, especially in Tadjikistan more implication in military projects

LOCAL Central Asian States new period since Independance, consolidating legitimacy of power through Islam, officially without chariat, in fact, internal ethic and judicial reislamisation Maturation of revendication of Justice to confront western argument of Democracy

INTERPRETATING RECENT INHERITAGES? So, it has became more difficult to frame the local islamic factors in any country, because of the mediatic weight of the global factors and of their somehow false representation within the internal and foreign political arena.

In this perspective, we must rethink the traduction of global factors, such as Communism, Islam, in the local conditions they were applyed, because we are all victims of a so-called normative syndrome. We need to properly evaluate the double inheritage of Colonial then Soviet system which both and deeply had influenced Islam in Central Asia. For instance, it is quite common to think that Communism in Central Asia was first of all a simple application of the marxist-Leninist dogmas in a sovietized portion of the Soviet territory. It is common to apprehend these five meta-soviet-societies as five regular part of the global Soviet community, applying litteraly the Stalin dogma for any Federative Republic which consist on "national, in the form", socialist, in the contempt". Not numerous are the non ex-Soviet experts that really understood that what occured in fact was the inversed re-invention of this dogma, that is “socialistly formally correct” and strongly national in the foundation. So far, ethnicism and nationalism are two byproducts of the Soviet ideology which normally pretented to disappear with the full advent of the “Homo sovieticus”. What merged after seven decades of Soviet rule and during them, was the rise of the “Homo islamo-sovieticus”, in the Uzbek, Kazakh, Kirghiz, Tadjik, Turkmen nationally exacerbated versions. In the same time, Islam in Central Asia after the collapse of the Soviet System is seen by the outside world as a part of the ummah without any strong specificity other than through the prism of the reislamisation process from the bottom. Although, for experts knowing the Central Asian republics and countries quite different such as Afghanistan, Pakistan, Iran, Irak, the perception of the newly independant citizens of Uzbekistan, Tadjikistan, Kirghizstan, should be quite obvious : they are all muslim, but still, for a certain time, for some generations, these Post-soviet Muslims will remain first of all, more sovietly minded than muslim. Moreover, the gap between the Post-soviet civil society and their religious official or non official representatives will persist for a long time. We are still facing segmentary societies which endure a real lack of flexibility...There is no "Central Asian Street, as "the Arab Street" which emerged recently. The memory of Stalin repressions and the fear of political subversion is too vivid so far.

In other terms, if we consider the Central Asian republics, we have to take in account the specificity of the local Islam, at the "national" and regional level which results from the local application of the communism dogma : that is deep in the scale of "historical time", and paradoxically close in term of space.

4

We must determine the impact of each historical, political and cultural part of inheritage , traditional pre-colonial, modern colonial tsarist, modern Soviet and to apply its complex formula in a specific region : Turkistan, Fergana Valley, Turkmen deserts, Kazakh steppes, Kirghiz moutain, and so on. The purpose is not to promote a so call "geo-historical islamic paradigm" but to better estimate a concrete situation in term of security and developpement, for instance in Uzbekistan, in Tadjikistan, and so on, by confronting internal and external parameters. 5

As for conceptual aspects : - What I could call the "betrayal of terminology" and the misunderstanding posture that rises from it : the meaning of State, Power, Democracy, Human rights, individual versus community in the Post-Soviet acception and in the Occidental one, the gap between the the official discourse of the elites, the medias, internet and the reality on the field. As for pragmatic aspects : -the opacity of informations, the underground activities of islamist movements that make difficult to estimate the number, the social affiliation, the aims of concerned people, the so-called desinformed citizens wich are always floaded by numerous "news". They know nothing in details, but everything on the whole. THE QUESTION OF DEMOCRACY, DOES IT MAKE SENSE IN CENTRAL ASIA? Central Asian republics are secular states according to their institutions. They have muslim majority and muslim traditions more or less deeply rooted. It is interesting to notice that they have developped, mostly in Uzbekistan and in See, Piacentini, V. F., "L'Islamic District Paradigm e il gioco dei poteri in Asia Centrale nell' India Britannica (collaboration with R. Redaelli)", Clio, XXIX, 1993, 4, pp. 609-640. 4

See Poujol, C., « L'islam entre résistance passive et acculturation active : nouvelle approche d'une problématique persistante », Les cahiers d’Asie centrale, n°9, IFEAC , Edisud, Aix en Provence, 2005. 5

Tadjikistan a strong cultural resistance to Western values, quite a refusal to apply "democratic dogmas" as a simple transplantation which would be mandatory for implementing Market Democracy. By the way, these states in their current structure are already transplanted ones, with western style legislative and executive apparatus, but whose nature has been changed by the time, according to their own national aggenda. In Central Asia, as in each muslim traditional area, the notion of Democracy in its western acception is exogenous, although existing in the local mentalities with the search of 'ijma (consensus), justice, equality that must theorically regulate the community. In fact, it might be interesting to note that Uzbek and Tadjik intellectuals, educated in marxism-leninism spirit had been naturally creating alternative movements and partis during Perestroïka whose slogans of Justice and fight against tyranny were intrinsequaly muslim. Totally against the rhetoric of Democracy, the islamic movements, on their turn, have built their discourse everywhere in the world upon the quest of Justice (Muslim brothers, etc...). In Central Asia, they have, quite privatized God Justice to propose it as the only alternative to the injustice of post-Soviet Powers, “corrupted and predators”. The web site http://muslimuzbekistan.com/ offers a quite interesting mix of islamist rethoric of Justice and fight against tyranny, with recurrent references to the Human rights. The word “Democracy” is dramatically absent. On their side, the current powers, refusing democratic altenative to which they formally refer under the pression of the world financing institutions, have nothing else to propose instead of the “Justice of islamist militants”. Surely because the external nature of Democracy, transplanted from outside, seemed to them incompatible with the state of the society they want to rule over. But, by acting this way, they took a major risk, that is to separate the rule of law, they are supposed to warrant, from the social justice they are not any more able to ensure. Would their strategy of islamizing “on the sly”, be sufficent to keep them safe in this tense electoral period, where the only promising new ideology being God Justice? Since a new insecure world has merged after the 9/11/ 2001, the question of Democracy is problematic in itself. In Western countries, based on old democratic traditions, the new security regulations were followed by a drastic shortage of the Human rights. This is obvious in the United States, but also in the Russian Federation, State built on authoritarian traditions, re-borned after a totalitarian XXth century and reforming itself after the tragic events in Russia and North Ossetia during September 2004.

The Western countries cannot anymore offer to the Central Asian States a democratic option as credible as it was in 1991. For these new States, this concept appeared with a negative aspect at the very begenning, even dangerous for their own security. For exemple, it was said in Uzbekistan but also in Turkmenistan that their societies were not ready for this "luxury", meaning that social and political stability should lay on strength, and State strength is necesseraly undue. Today, the Central Asian elites use a double standart discourse. In a one hand, democratization of the society must occured and the State of law must be built. In the other hand, Democracy means weekness of power, social instability, an open window for terrorism. We are facing a globalized phenomenon, islamist and djihadist terrorism, a quite restricted choise of answers, although this blind violence is largely condamned by the whole world and infra state actors. So that the total war against it, with the reducing freedom of movements and association it implies, put on the same position two States such different as the United States and Russia, and authoritarian States of Central Asia and some western countries. For the current Central Asian powers, the Putin strategy is warmly welcome. Westerners are more reluctant about it, refeering to their democratic needs. So far, the main problem that face Central Asian States as Uzbekistan is the straight confrontation with the only current alternative political thought still active there, after the progressive eviction of all democratic movements which had flourished during Perestroïka. In reality, this seems to be a normal process in a consensual society which cannot bear any expression of a political opposition. It was obvious that after Perestroïka, the large realm of opinions got retracted little by little to promote a unique prototype of opponant : the passive or active islamist. But the question keeps crucial : if any form of opposition from democratic basis was condamned in advance for "cultural deviation", why should the current confrontation be built on a single fight between “islamising secular State” and islamism? This option might occured potentially more dangerous than the split and dispersion of opposition movements into different and contradictory sensibilities. Would the leading elite be more frightened of a true democratic alternative than of islamist extremism leading to an islamist Republic? Who knows? Undoubtfully, we all are aware that these pseudo democrates are mostly true challengers to presidents, using the Democratic discourse to seize power.

Such a confrontation helps the current power in Uzbekistan as well as in Kirghizstan, for it gives the impression that simplifying the political echiquier is already a step to neutralize it : this could appear as the legacy syndrome of the unique party, more peacefull than multipartism, pluralism. This could also derive from the idea of gathering negative energies must lead to weaken them. Table 3 States Uzbekistan

Political system strong Presidential

Kazakhstan

strong Presidential

Kirghizstan

Presidential geeting more powerfull

Tadjikistan

Presidential with coalition

Turkmenistan

Presidential Despotic

Opposition islamists in clandestinity, MIO, hizb -ut Tahrir Diversifyed opposition, weak possibility of expression, but still existence of a political debate diversified opposition but reducing freedom of expression active political debate, Hizb ut-Tahrir getting more influence than Party of Islamic Rebirth (marginalized part of the coalition) Exile, clandestinity, no debate

The current powers, so far has nothing new and positive to propose, on the ideological sphere, except from the rewrinting of History, glorifying the titular nation, a passeist rethoric of renewal of past values, without any real connection with today legislations. In this matter, they did not appear as unfair only because of the sharp economic gap they allowed to take place in their respective new States and from which they are the first recipients. They are also considered as the responsible of numerous social unjustice before peoples and minority diasporas which found themselves more confortable in the previous Soviet Nationality Policy. IS THERE A REAL ISLAMIC THREAT? WHAT IS THE STRATEGY TO ERADICATE IT? DEMOCRACY OR JUSTICE?

So the question now is the following : Is there a real islamic threat in Central Asia today? Yes, in the perspective of vacuum of power. What is its nature? To answer to the lack of perspective, economic despair, to bring an alternative political discourse that does not exist so far, to bring the hope for social justice, to get rid of corruption within the power structures. What are the claims of the islamist groups? -a laïc republic with islamic attach? a republic with a coalition government? An islamic republic? The instauration of the califat? If we look upon the claims of the main partis, especially of those having web sites such as Hizb-ut Tahrir, we can easily note the reccurent use of declaration against corruption, unjustice, seizure of economic wealth, beside numerous observations about the failure of the western values, the crash of the western family, and so on. What is the answering strategy fo the current Central Asian powers, except from putting the islamists, suspected as such and “futur islamists” in jail? One of the possible answers is to please the most important part of their moderate muslim electorate adopting islamist rethoric about justice, with the set of new laws in accordance with traditionnal islamic norma to keep them on power. For instance, the tolerated drop of weeding age which burst out soon after the collapse of the Soviet System. In conclusion, democrats claim for democracy and Human rigths, islamist activists claim for justice, even if the US military involvment in Afghanistan is on purpose referring to Justice.

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Liste des rapports consultés

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