Promoting Human Security: Ethical, Normative and Educational Frameworks in Latin America and the Caribbean

Promoting Human Security: Ethical, Normative and Educational Frameworks in Latin America and the Caribbean

Promoting Human Security: Ethical, Normative and Educational Frameworks in Latin America and the Caribbean

The authors are responsible for the choice and presentation of the facts contained in this publication and for the opinions expressed therein, which are not necessarily those of UNESCO and do not commit the Organization. The designations employed in this publication do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of UNESCO concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area or its authorities, or concerning its frontiers or boundaries. None of the parts of this book, including the cover design, may be reproduced or copied in any way and by any means, whether electronic, mechanical, chemical, optical, or using photocopying techniques, without previous authorization from UNESCO.

Any communication concerning this publication may be addressed to: Ms Moufida Goucha / Ms Claudia Maresia Section of Philosophy and Human Sciences Social and Human Sciences Sector UNESCO 1, rue Miollis 75732 Paris Cedex 15, France Tel: +33-1 45 68 45 54 / 52 Fax: +33-1 45 68 55 52 E-mail: [email protected] Website: http://www.unesco.org/securipax SHS/FPH/PHS/2005/PI/H/1

© UNESCO 2005 Printed in 2005

Promoting Human Security: Ethical, Normative and Educational Frameworks in Latin America and the Caribbean

Claudia F. Fuentes Francisco Rojas Aravena (Latin American Faculty of Social Sciences – FLACSO)

Contents

Foreword by Ms Moufida Goucha Promoting human security: from concept to action

9

Introduction

13

Acknowledgements from the authors

17

Part One A new international context Latin America and the Caribbean

19 19 22

Part Two Human security: debating the concept (a) Commission on Human Security (b) International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (c) Origins of the human security concept: UNDP report (d) International organizations and human security (e) Countries promoting the concept of Human Security and the Network (i) Canada (ii) Japan (iii) Human Security Network

25 25 26

34 35 36 37

Part Three Hemispheric initiatives

41 41

Part Four Strengths and weaknesses of the concept of human security

47 47

5

28 30 32

Part Five Human security: a unifying and linking concept a) The security triad b) Broadening the concept of security and violence

51 51 52 55

Part Six Ethical and normative dimensions of human security (a) Ethical aspects of human security (b) Normative dimension of human security (c) Treaties, conventions and other binding instruments dealing with human security

59 59 59 61

Part Seven Principal threats to human security in Latin America

93 93

63

1 Socio-economic vulnerabilities (a) Growth and economic crises (b) The steady rise in external debt (c) Rising unemployment (d) Marginal improvement in human development (e) Rising poverty and income inequality (f ) Rising social inequality (g) Public-sector social spending and poverty (h) Health

95 95 98 99 103 105 108 110 114

2 Social integration and vulnerability (a) Migration and human security (b) Indigenous peoples and multiculturalism (c) Technology and social integration: internet, politics and human security

118 118 130 131

3 Politico-institutional vulnerabilities: weak democracies (a) Recurrent crises (b) Low-density democracies

136 137 139

6

(c) Corruption exacerbates politico-institutional vulnerability (d) Crisis of representation (e) Public perceptions

140 142 143

4 International security vulnerabilities (traditional) (a) Inter-state conflicts (b) Unresolved border conflicts (c) Transnational security threats (i) Drug trafficking: a multilateral problem (ii) Money laundering (iii) Terrorism: worldwide cooperation to prevent it (iv) Light arms trafficking: a multilateral problem (v) Colombia: high levels of human insecurity

147 147 147 148 149 152 153 154 157

5 Internal security vulnerabilities (a) Social violence and crime (b) Institutionalized violence

158 158 163

6 Environmental vulnerabilities

165

Part Eight Empowerment for human security

169 169

Recommendations

177

Bibliography

181

Appendices A brief introduction to the authors: Claudia F. Fuentes and Francisco Rojas Aravena (Latin American Faculty of Social Sciences – FLACSO)

191

7

193

Final recommendations of the First International Meeting of Directors of Peace Research and Training Institutions on the theme ‘What Agenda for Human Security in the Twenty-first Century?’

195

Some UNESCO publications on Human Security, Peace and Conflict Prevention

201

8

Promoting human security: from concept to action

During the last decade, human security has become a central concern to many countries, institutions and social actors searching for innovative ways and means of tackling the many non-military threats to peace and security. Indeed, human security underlines the complex links, often ignored or underestimated, between disarmament, human rights and development. Today, in an increasingly globalized world, the most pernicious threats to human security emanate from the conditions that give rise to genocide, civil war, human rights violations, global epidemics, environmental degradation, forced and slave labour, and malnutrition. All the current studies on security thus have to integrate the human dimension of security. Thus, since the publication of the United Nations Development Programme’s 1994 Human Development Report on new dimensions of human security, major efforts have been undertaken to refine the very concept of human security through research and expert meetings, to put human security at the core of the political agenda at both national and regional levels and, most important of all, to engage in innovative action in the field to respond to the needs and concerns of the most vulnerable populations. Two landmarks in this process were the creation of the Human Security Network in 1999, made up of twelve countries from all regions, which holds ministerial meetings every year, and the publication of the 2003 report of the Commission on Human Security, Human Security Now: Protecting and Empowering People, which has called for a global initiative to promote human security. UNESCO has been closely associated with these efforts from the outset, in particular in the framework of its action 9

aimed at promoting a culture of peace. Thus, as of 1994, the Organization launched a series of regional and national projects relating to the promotion of a new concept of security, ensuring the participation of regional, national and local institutions, and involving a wide array of actors, including the armed forces, in Central America and Africa. On the basis of the experience acquired through the implementation of those projects, human security became a central concern for the Organization as a whole. A plan of action for the promotion of human security at the regional level was adopted in 2000, as a result of the deliberations of the First International Meeting of Directors of Peace Research and Training Institutions on the theme ‘What Agenda for Human Security in the Twenty-first Century?’, held at UNESCO Headquarters; and in 2002 human security became one of the Organization’s twelve strategic objectives as reflected in its Medium-Term Strategy for 2002–2007. This strategic objective is closely linked to UNESCO’s contribution to the eradication of poverty, in particular extreme poverty, to the promotion of human rights, as well as to its action in the field of natural sciences, in particular regarding the prevention of conflicts relating to the use of water resources. The choice of adopting regional approaches to human security has been most fruitful to date. In Africa, UNESCO, in close cooperation with the Institute for Security Studies of South Africa and the African Union, has initiated action aiming at the formulation of a regional human security agenda, addressing conflict prevention and many of the issues raised in the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) initiative, which UNESCO has fully supported from its inception. In Latin America, cooperation with FLACSO-Chile in 2001–03 led to important discussions of human security issues in the region, and to the formulation of policy recommendations that have been submitted to the ministerial meetings of the Human Security Network and to regional intergovernmental meetings on 10

hemispheric security. In East Asia, building on important progress made by subregional academic and political institutions, UNESCO, in collaboration with the Korean National Commission for UNESCO and Korea University, organized the 2003 meeting on Human Security in East Asia, whose results were widely disseminated. After the International Conference on Human Security in the Arab States, jointly organized by UNESCO and the Regional Human Security Center in Amman (Jordan), in March 2005, UNESCO will be developing similar projects in Central and South-East Asia in 2005, to conclude with Africa and Eastern Europe in 2006. With a view to opening new perspectives for focused research, adequate training, preparation of pilot projects, and to further consolidate public policy and public awareness on human security issues, UNESCO is launching a new series of publications: Promoting Human Security: Ethical, Normative and Educational Frameworks. These will emphasize three important elements in order to translate the concept of human security into action: (a) the need to have a solid ethical foundation, based on shared values, leading to the commitment to protect human dignity which lies at the very core of human security; (b) buttressing that ethical dimension by placing existing and new normative instruments at the service of human security, in particular by ensuring the full implementation of instruments relating to the protection of human rights; and (c) the need to reinforce the education and training component by better articulating and giving enhanced coherence to all ongoing efforts, focusing on issues such as education for peace and sustainable development, training in human rights and enlarging the democratic agenda to human security issues. We hope that the new series – each publication focusing on a specific region – will contribute to laying the foundations of an in-depth and sustained action for the promotion of human security, in which the individual has a key role to play. Moufida Goucha 11

Introduction

This report analyses the debate that is taking place both internationally and regionally on the subject of human security, and evaluates the main threats to personal security in the countries of Latin America. The main conceptual approaches to human security are associated with two substantial reports: Human Security Now, from the Commission on Human Security (CHS, 2003), and The Responsibility to Protect, from the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS, 2001). The first of these develops the concept of human security from the point of view of the protection of individuals’ vital freedoms and proposes a series of tools and programmes of action for applying policies based on the protection and empowerment of individuals. The second report basically concentrates on humanitarian intervention, stressing the responsibility of the international community towards populations whose human rights have been seriously infringed. The 1994 UNDP report is also an important precedent because of its contribution to defining the scope of human security. As regards international action, UNESCO believes that it is essential to promote human security as part of its MediumTerm Strategy for 2002–2007, in accordance with its mandate in the spheres of education, science, culture, communication and information. Since the late 1990s, and particularly since the First International Meeting of Directors of Peace Research and Training Institutions (Paris, November 2000), UNESCO has been carrying out regional consultations with a view to developing a series of ethical, normative and educational frameworks to promote human security and conflict prevention 13

in cooperation with governments, non-governmental organizations and local academic centres. In UNESCO’s judgement, the idea of human security is an essential element in the establishment of a common platform of action to raise awareness of the most critical threats among all those affected, centring on the interests of populations and particularly the most vulnerable segments of them. Meanwhile, an informal partnership of countries with an ambitious programme in this area, the Human Security Network, has made substantial progress with its goal of banning the use of anti-personnel mines and ultimately of eradicating them. Chile is the only Latin American country to participate in this partnership, and it has included this perspective in its foreign policy. At the hemispheric level, chiefly through the Summits of the Americas and under the auspices of the Organization of American States (OAS), a number of initiatives have been taken to construct a shared concept of security for the countries of the region that incorporates the dimensions affecting the security of individuals within the framework of this broader debate. The Bridgetown Declaration, adopted by the OAS General Assembly in Barbados in 1992, is one of the most important developments here, as it incorporates a multidimensional approach to hemispheric security. The next Special Conference on Security, which will be held in Mexico, will give the countries of the hemisphere an opportunity to consolidate a broader vision of security with a view to establishing an inter-American charter of hemispheric security. This report presents a survey of all the treaties, conventions and binding instruments acceded to by the countries of Latin America and the Caribbean that have a bearing on human security in the political, socio-economic, international security, environmental and cultural spheres. Analysis of the conceptual debate and the incipient implementation of the concept of human security at the national 14

and regional levels reveals the strong and weak points of this outlook. Among the strong points are inclusiveness, multidimensionality and the stress on multilateralism and cooperation, factors that make human security a concept whose implementation would allow a more effective response to the threats facing people and communities. This concept also has an important ethical and normative dimension, grounded in international law and priority for human rights. As regards the limitations of the concept, two factors are of particular importance for Latin American countries – the difficulty of focusing on core interests and priorities owing to the breadth of the human security field, and the problem of including security issues in development plans and programmes. The report suggests that to deal with these shortcomings in the Latin American context, attention should be focused on two issues: (a) the need to establish in practical and operational terms the relationship between national security, international security and human security; (b) the use of violence as a determinant for analysis. For this it is necessary to consider the conditions that pave the way for violence, the protagonists, and the measures that could prevent violence and one of its extreme manifestations, humanitarian crises. Lastly, the report delineates and examines six essential areas where threats to human security could arise: (1) socioeconomic vulnerabilities, (2) social integration, (3) political and institutional weaknesses, (4) international security, (5) internal security, (6) environmental risks. In the case of Latin America, the main threats to human security arise from a number of circumstances, in particular the weakness of democracy, the rise of poverty and inequity and, increasingly, urban violence and crime.

15

Acknowledgements from the authors

This document was prepared at the request of UNESCO by the Latin American Faculty of Social Sciences (FLACSO)*, and in particular by its Secretary-General, Francisco Rojas Aravena and the Director of the FLACSO-Chile Human Security Programme, Claudia F. Fuentes Julio, and presented as part of the meeting ‘Seguridad Internacional Contemporánea: Consecuencias para la Seguridad Humana en América Latina’ (Santiago, Chile, August 2003). The authors of this study wish to thank the following FLACSO-Chile staff for their contributions: Rodrigo Araya, Grecia Bate, Claudio Fuentes S., Jorge Guzmán, Carolina Stefoni, Rodrigo Vera, Carlos Vergara, and Andrés Villar.

* The Latin American Faculty of Social Sciences (FLACSO) is an independent international organization, regional in nature, that works to promote the social sciences in Latin America and the Caribbean through research, technical cooperation and postgraduate training.

17

Part One

A new international context

Freedom from fear is the security objective laid down by the United Nations in its Millennium Report (United Nations, 2000b). Achieving this will involve a recognition that the international system has changed fundamentally in recent years and that in the process a clear need has arisen to develop innovative approaches and perspectives so that we can grasp these changes and respond to new challenges. The main characteristics defining the international system for over half a century were transformed by the breakdown of the bipolar order. Furthermore, changes in state capabilities and their effects on related matters such as sovereignty are having repercussions on structural aspects and on the attitudes of international actors and the way these are regarded. During the Cold War, concepts of security mainly related to the state, and the viewpoint was primarily a military one. At the present time, a transition can be observed towards a broader concept of security whose objectives are peace, international stability and protection for individuals and communities. Since the mid-1990s we have seen the concept of human security, which emphasizes the protection of individuals, coming strongly to the fore. One of the changes that has most influenced the development of the human security concept is the new nature of conflicts around the world, most of which take place within states. In the ten years following the end of the Cold War there were 103 armed conflicts, of which 93 were internal; in these,

19

90 per cent of the victims were civilians. This development has modified the main international actors’ perception of tension and conflict situations and, at a more general level, of concepts relating to security. The concept of security has evolved, coming to centre more on individuals, because it has been understood that security does not depend only on the armed forces of each state. International agreements, the opening up of economies to nearby countries, increasing interdependence, and even the awareness of mutual vulnerability affect the security of individuals and the state. Another of the factors that has contributed to this change in outlook where security is concerned is the complexity of global problems and their repercussions for millions of people. There are now threats very different from that of a military attack against one’s homeland, including environmental risks, international crime, drug trafficking and terrorism. All this entails far-reaching changes in the basic idea of sovereignty and shows that national capabilities are inadequate to deal with the main problems. The new international context is changing the scale of problems that used to be wholly national in character, requiring a new international system where only the ability to pool forces will restore to states the ability to generate, jointly with other actors, a legitimate order that can satisfy the demands arising at the national, regional and world levels. To sum up, the main changes and tendencies in the international system that are influencing the way we observe and analyse the new security challenges, and that have given rise to a conceptualization which highlights the protection of individuals, are associated principally with the following structural and international factors: • The end of bipolar conflict with the breakdown of the Soviet Union. This removed the context within which policymaking took place for half a century. The communism/anti-

20

communism conflict has retained its momentum in some regions but has ceased to be pivotal at the world level. • The impact of globalization in different areas, and interdependence. What characterized international relations was the differentiation between the national and international spheres, and this is tending to disappear with globalization. In the global–local chain of cause and effect, the national level is often not present even as an intermediary. There has also been a change in the dimensions of time and space affecting policymaking, response times and the scale of events. • New international actors. New transnational actors are making a forceful appearance in the new context. Not only are multinational/transnational companies acquiring new capabilities in the conditions of globalization, but so are nongovernmental organizations. The increasingly important role being played by individuals and their views in the form of global ‘public opinion’ is a potent factor in the new international architecture. • New power relationships. The consolidation of the United States as a hegemonic power is translating into growing unilateralism and difficulties with multilateral policy coordination. • New threats to security. Non-traditional security threats are appearing, most of them transnational and non-military in character. Examples include drug trafficking, money laundering and organized crime. • Development gaps. There are major difficulties in overcoming poverty and serious imbalances and inequalities in the distribution of economic resources and in national, regional and international decision-making. The main international factors are as follows: • Loss of state capabilities. This factor relates to changes in sovereignty. The case of world finance most clearly illustrates states’ increasing inability to control international flows. Similarly, the new global context is altering the scale of issues that 21

formerly had an exclusively national character but that are now part of a new international system which demands responses that are global in scope and include both state and non-state actors. This is the case with the environment. • Increase in intra-national conflicts. Inter-state conflicts are tending to diminish and internal conflicts to increase. The victims of the latter are mainly civilians.

Latin America and the Caribbean

The end of the Cold War coincided with democratization and pacification in certain countries of South and Central America. These developments, along with the resolution of territorial and border conflicts between states, opened a new chapter in the way security was evaluated in the region and in the priorities set, given the emergence of new needs and challenges. For most Latin American countries, the new security agenda now focuses on intra-state problems. Personal security is being quite seriously threatened by the rise in both organized and non-organized crime, and by rising social tensions caused by persistent and increasing poverty in the region. The SecretaryGeneral of the United Nations (Annan, 2003) has stated that Colombia, Guatemala and Haiti are the countries that most need the attention and support of the international community if they are to resolve their conflicts peacefully. Concerning Colombia, he noted that international efforts to achieve an agreement had been inadequate and the civilian population of that country had been subjected to serious violations of human rights and international humanitarian law. In Guatemala, the United Nations still maintains a Verification Mission to oversee compliance with the peace agreements, established in 1996, which has observed a rise in social conflict and in the poverty indices, as well as growing 22

militarization. Lastly, the Secretary-General saw the establishment of the United Nations special mission in Haiti as a positive step, the priority objectives of this mission being the promotion of personal security, human rights and good government. When considering the new security situation in the Americas, a number of tendencies need to be taken into account: • Latin America has not consolidated a disarmament policy in relation to weapons of mass destruction. In this area there is still a need to improve policies and, in particular, to generate efficient verification mechanisms. • The military spending of Latin America and the Caribbean is low by comparison with the rest of the world. Furthermore, the region does not have modern strategic weapons. To consolidate a tendency towards lower military spending it is necessary for policy-makers to achieve progress with transparency, verification and the development of a second phase of confidence-building measures. • Latin America and the Caribbean has had, and still has, a marginal position in global strategic affairs, and no change is in prospect. At the same time, there are few inter-state conflicts in Latin America and, isolated outbreaks notwithstanding, disputes between states have remained largely unmilitarized. • Internal conflicts. Latin America and the Caribbean is a region with a high index of intra-national conflict, where violence plays a major role and affects perceptions of security even beyond the borders of each state. • International security institutions are weak in Latin America and the Caribbean. This results in a lack of coordination and missed opportunities both for dialogue with the United States and for the development of home-grown policies to support tendencies towards peace and stability in the region. • The United States was the main actor in the region and hemisphere during the Cold War, and still is. That country performs differentiated and simultaneous functions, which 23

complicates its role as a global and local actor in the region. It is at the same time an organizer of security, a supplier of arms and military aid and the actor that lays down limitations on procurement. The lack of suitable arrangements for dialogue with the US, in the absence of solid institutions, reduces opportunities for cooperation. • United States unilateralism and security priorities. As the leading international actor, the US favours unilateralism in the actions it undertakes internationally and towards the countries of the region, and gives priority to its own security concerns when it comes to bilateral and multilateral issues. There is a clear need to develop concerted regional policies to respond to the demands of the international system and, in particular, to US foreign policy. Consequently, it is of the greatest importance to establish a cooperative programme of action to deal with security issues between the countries of the region and the US. • Latin America has not reached consensus on a common conceptual framework for security. This affects the prospects for constructing and implementing a system of binding norms in relation to defence and international security and influences the choice of public goods that are to be promoted and protected in this field. The situation described entails considerable challenges for Latin American countries, particularly the need to produce a common security concept for the Americas that reflects these changes and the specific security requirements of the region. This must be a fundamental objective as we look to the forthcoming Special Conference on Security to be held under OAS auspices in October. In this debate, the concept of human security is being presented as a new perspective that can provide a better understanding of the new security challenges facing the countries. Indeed, the draft declarations being discussed at the OAS affirm that state security and human security are mutually reinforcing. Nonetheless, the debate as to how this link should be implemented goes on. 24

Part Two

Human security: debating the concept

The concept of human security made its appearance on the world scene in the mid-1990s, a time when new paradigms were being sought to explain the international system and a growing theoretical and practical debate was under way on the traditional concepts of security that drove countries’ actions for much of the last century. Academics, certain international organizations and even some states promoted human security as a concept that would provide a better grasp of the new security challenges from the perspective of individuals or citizens. Of the countries promoting human security, the members of the Commission on Human Security, chiefly Canada and Japan, deserve particular mention. The most recent debate on this concept centres around two reports: Human Security Now (2003), from the Commission on Human Security, and The Responsibility to Protect (2001), from the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty. Considering the relevance of the two reports and the intensity of the international debate surrounding them, this section begins by analysing these documents and then goes on to consider the positions of the international organizations that have promoted this outlook and of certain countries that have incorporated this conception into their foreign policy.1

1 The member countries of the Human Security Network are Austria, Canada, Chile, Greece, Ireland, Jordan, Mali, the Netherlands, Norway, Slovenia, South Africa (observer), Switzerland and Thailand.

25

(a)

Commission on Human Security

The creation of the Commission on Human Security was announced in January 2001 in response to an appeal by United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan, in the context of the Millennium Summit and with the support of the Government of Japan. When it was constituted, the Commission set out to consider ways of: (a) promoting public understanding of human security and of the imperatives that this outlook entails; (b) developing the concept of human security as an operational tool for policy formulation and application; and (c) putting forward a programme of action with a view to determining the best measures for dealing with threats to human security. Accordingly, in May 2003 it presented the report Human Security Now (CHS, 2003), which seeks to respond to the three points indicated. It emphasizes that the new factors of insecurity affecting people require an integrated approach, and that the human security perspective can generate responses to these new challenges: ‘Policies and institutions must respond to these insecurities in stronger and more integrated ways. The state continues to have the primary responsibility for security. But as security challenges become more complex and various new actors attempt to play a role, we need a shift in paradigm. The focus must broaden from the state to the security of people – to human security.’ Concerning the definition of this concept, it argues that ‘human security means protecting vital freedoms. It means protecting people from critical and pervasive threats and situations, building on their strengths and aspirations. It also means creating systems that give people the building blocks of survival, dignity and livelihood. Human security connects different types of freedoms – freedom from want, freedom from fear and freedom to take action on one’s own behalf.’ Against this background, the report argues that there are two general strategies for achieving the desired objective, these 26

being the protection and empowerment of individuals. Protection insulates people from dangers. It requires a concerted effort to establish norms, processes and institutions that systematically address situations of insecurity. Respect for human rights is at the core of human security protection. Empowerment, meanwhile, enables people to participate fully in decision-making. The report emphasizes that fostering democratic principles is an important step towards human security and development: it enables people to participate in governance structures and make their voices heard. The report also points to the need to create solid institutions, in a democratic context, to underpin people’s autonomy and opportunities for participation. The Commission sets forth its analysis of six issues relating to conflict and need, when the manifestations of human security are critical and widespread: • Protecting people in violent conflicts. The report underlines the need to strengthen norms and mechanisms for protecting civilians, the main victims of conflicts. Priorities include disarming those with weapons, combating crime and preventing weapons proliferation and illegal trade in resources and people. • Protecting and empowering migrants and displaced persons. At present there is no agreed international framework for protecting or regulating migration, other than in the case of refugees. The report suggests exploring the viability of an international migration framework, laying the groundwork for broad debate and dialogue on the need to strike a cautious balance between countries’ security and development interests and the human security of migrants. • Protection and empowerment of people in post-conflict situations. The responsibility to protect people in conflict situations ought to be complemented by a responsibility for reconstruction. Accordingly, the report proposes that a framework and strategy of specific financing for this should be designed. 27

• Economic insecurity, the possibility of choice between different opportunities. As well as the problem of poverty, human security relates to unfavourable economic conditions and the social effects of crises. The equitable distribution of resources is of the greatest importance in securing people’s choices and livelihoods. • Health as an element in human security. The report emphasizes that HIV/AIDS is a priority. Because of their urgency, extent and impact, the infectious diseases, povertyrelated threats and health needs that exist throughout the world are particularly important. • Knowledge, preparation for life and values as elements of human security. The Commission stresses the need to attain the goal of universal primary education and emphasizes the way in which the communications and public information media can help to prepare people so that they can actively exercise their rights and assume their responsibilities. (b)

International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty

The International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS) was also established in response to the call by Kofi Annan for the international community to work towards a consensus over the question of humanitarian intervention. In September 2002, during the United Nations General Assembly, the Government of Canada and a group of major foundations announced the creation of the ICISS with the objective of addressing this issue. In December 2001 the report The Responsibility to Protect was presented. This centred on the idea that sovereign states had a responsibility to protect their own citizens from avoidable catastrophes (mass murder, systematic rape and starvation), but that if they could not or would not do so, this responsibility had to be assumed by the community of states. The report examines 28

the nature and scope of this responsibility, along with other questions such as who should exercise it, upon what authority, and when, how and where (ICISS, 2001). The report emphasizes that the current debate about intervention aimed at protecting human beings is taking place within a historical, political and legal context in which international standards of individual and state behaviour are evolving, not least towards the formulation of new and stricter rules and mechanisms for protecting human rights. It argues that ‘the concept of human security – including concern for human rights, but broader than that in its scope – has also become an increasingly important element in international law and international relations, increasingly providing a conceptual framework for international action. Although the issue is far from uncontroversial, the concept of security is now increasingly recognized to extend to people as well as to states’ (ICISS, 2001). Thus, the Commission accepts that issues of sovereignty and intervention do not affect the rights or prerogatives of states only, but have profound and fundamental implications for each human being. As the document argues, one of the advantages of concentrating on the ‘responsibility to protect’ is that attention is thereby focused on the needs of human beings seeking protection or assistance. With this approach, the thrust of the security debate shifts from territorial security to security based on human development and on access to food, employment and environmental security. It stresses that the traditional approach to security neglects the most elemental and legitimate concerns that people have in their daily lives. ‘When rape is used as an instrument of war and ethnic cleansing, when thousands are killed by floods resulting from a ravaged countryside and when citizens are killed by their own security forces, then it is just insufficient to think of security in terms of national or territorial security alone. The concept of human security can and does embrace such diverse circumstances’ (ICISS, 2001). 29

This being so, the report suggests that the responsibility to protect is founded upon two basic principles: (a) state sovereignty entails responsibilities, and it is the state itself that has the prime responsibility for protecting its population; (b) when the population is suffering serious harm as the result of civil war, insurrection, repression by the state or the collapse of its structures, and that state cannot or will not contain or prevent this suffering, the responsibility to protect will take precedence over the principle of non-intervention. The international responsibility proposed by the report would consist of three specific elements: • The responsibility to prevent: removing the direct underlying causes of internal conflicts and other man-made crises that endanger the population. Prevention is the most important dimension of the responsibility to protect; all options in this area need to be exhausted before intervention can be contemplated, and more efforts and resources need to be devoted to prevention. • The responsibility to react: responding with appropriate measures to situations in which the need for human protection is overwhelming, including coercive measures such as the imposition of sanctions and international legal initiatives and, in extreme cases, military intervention. • The responsibility to rebuild: offering full assistance, particularly after a military intervention, for recovery, reconstruction and reconciliation, and removing the causes of the harm that the intervention was intended to contain or prevent. (c)

Origins of the human security concept: UNDP report

In its report New Dimensions of Human Security (UNDP, 1994), the United Nations Development Programme tried for the first time to generate a comprehensive analysis of the issue and define the concept of security on a new basis. For UNDP, there are two conditions that guarantee human security: (a) freedom from fear, and (b) freedom from want. 30

The document emphasizes that for most people the feeling of insecurity focuses more on the concerns of day-to-day life than on the fear of war in the world. ‘More generally, it will not be possible for the community of nations to achieve any of its major goals – not peace, not environmental protection, not human rights or democratization, not fertility reduction, not social integration – except in the context of sustainable development that leads to human security.’ It also argues that ‘human security is people-centred. It is concerned with how people live and breathe in a society, how freely they exercise their many choices, how much access they have to market and social opportunities – and whether they live in conflict or peace … Human security means that people can exercise these choices safely and freely – and that they can be relatively confident that the opportunities they have today are not totally lost tomorrow.’ Regarding the link between human development and human security, it explains that the former consists in expanding people’s opportunities, while human security concerns the stable enjoyment of these, so that the opportunities available today do not disappear over time. The UNDP report proposes an enlarged conception of human security, stressing that this entails a universal concern for human life and dignity, that its components are interdependent (in the political, social, economic and environmental spheres) and that the effects of the main threats to it are worldwide in scope (drug trafficking, terrorism, environmental damage, arms trafficking, etc.). It also explains that this concept has an integrative character that differentiates it from traditional defensive conceptions of security limited to the defence of territory and military power. Thus, the notion of human security is based on the security of people, it being understood that development must benefit all. The report lists six dimensions that form part of human security and its central concerns: the economic, health, environmental, personal, community and political dimensions. It is 31

important to stress that while they may be analytically distinguishable, these dimensions are part of a single phenomenon, human security. Thus, the concept is regarded as ‘indivisible’ because when the securities associated with one of these dimensions are undermined, all the other dimensions are affected too. (d)

International organizations and human security

The concept of human security was also treated as an essential issue in the UN Millennium Report (United Nations, 2000b), in which Kofi Annan observed that ‘the requirements of security today have come to embrace the protection of communities and individuals from internal violence’, adding that ‘the need for a more human-centred approach to security is reinforced by the continuing dangers that weapons of mass destruction, most notably nuclear weapons, pose to humanity: their very name reveals their scope and their intended objective, if they were ever used’ (United Nations, 2000b, Chap. IV, 194, 195). The report argues that when security is defined in terms of protection for people, six fundamental aspects need to be considered: (i) prevention, which means promoting balanced economic development along with respect for human and minority rights and with political agreements whereby all sectors are fairly represented. Conflicts are more common in poor countries, particularly those that are badly governed and that have acute inequalities between ethnic or religious groups; (ii) protection for the most vulnerable sectors, through the correct application of international law and respect for human rights; (iii) the intervention dilemma, the argument being that national sovereignty is not to be used to protect those who arbitrarily violate the rights and threaten the lives of their fellows; (iv) improved peacekeeping operations: the report invites consideration of the recommendations made by a group of experts set up by the Secretary-General to examine all aspects of such operations; (v) the specification of sanctions: the Security 32

Council is urged to review and analyse research in this area with a view to making sanctions more effective by specifying their objective; (vi) arms reduction. The Secretary-General calls on Member States to control the small arms trade more rigorously and to commit themselves to reducing the risks of existing nuclear weapons and proliferation. In defining human security, Kofi Annan specifies that this idea, ‘in its broadest sense, embraces far more than the absence of violent conflict. It encompasses human rights, good governance, access to education and health care and ensuring that each individual has opportunities and choices to fulfil his or her potential. Every step in this direction is also a step towards reducing poverty, achieving economic growth and preventing conflict. Freedom from want, freedom from fear, and the freedom of future generations to inherit a healthy natural environment: these are the interrelated building blocks of human – and therefore national – security’ (Annan, 2001). UNESCO has also done important work in promoting this concept, organizing a series of international seminars to promote regional approaches towards a clearer understanding of the needs and the most appropriate modes of action for the joint promotion of human security and conflict prevention in each specific regional and cultural context (Goucha and Rojas Aravena, 2003a). In this context, the Chief of the UNESCO Section of Philosophy and Human Sciences, Moufida Goucha, has emphasized the importance of ‘preventing conflicts and violence, paying special attention to the combined effect of the risks and threats to citizens and pursuing the eradication of nonarmed, non-military threats to peace and security. This means taking the concepts of human security and democratic security further, at a time when there is such a clear need to renew the international logic of security.’2 The Organization has also 2 Moufida Goucha, Unit for Peace and the New Dimensions of Security, UNESCO, December 1999.

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sponsored a series of educational initiatives, particularly human rights training for specific groups, such as army, security force and police representatives. It has also begun to establish exchange relationships with peace research and training institutes, and with defence and strategic studies institutes. Through its SecuriPax3 network, UNESCO has created an internet portal whose purpose is to improve interconnection among different networks of organizations, research institutions, universities and centres that promote peace and human security as a main element in their programmes. While the origins of the concept of protection for individuals date back to the birth of international law, it was in the United Nations Charter, and particularly in the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, that it took on a global dimension. As we have mentioned, in 1994 the UNDP systematized a comprehensive approach. The ending of the Cold War had opened up new opportunities for considering human security from fresh points of view. In the Millennium Report, the concept became pivotal to the United Nations. Two of its academic institutions, the United Nations University and the University for Peace, have carried out studies and published on the subject. In Latin America and the Caribbean, FLACSOChile has led a major debate on the concept of security in the region. In the process, it has encouraged the development of conceptual links between personal protection and human security and the international and state dimensions of security. (e)

Countries promoting the concept of human security and the Network

Adoption by the different states of the concept of human security in international and cooperation policies has been very uneven. Their different positions are obviously grounded in 3

http://www.unesco.org/securipax/

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different historical traditions and in differences of outlook concerning the strategic political role they see themselves as playing in the international concert. A number of countries, though, have developed and applied the concept of human security as a guiding principle of their international policy. In order to convey the different conceptualizations being debated at present, we briefly analyse the cases of Canada, Japan and the Human Security Network, which have taken the lead in this area.4 (i) Canada

The Government of Canada, and in particular its former Foreign Affairs Minister, Lloyd Axworthy, considerably developed this concept as an essential part of its foreign policy. In conjunction with Norway, it was also behind the creation of the Human Security Network in 1998. According to the document Freedom from Fear: Canada’s Foreign Policy for Human Security,5 the best way of conceiving human security is through a change in outlook that makes people the central point of reference in international affairs, with the clear purpose of protecting their human rights. It defines human security as freedom from threats to the rights of individuals, their security or their lives. It lays down a number of foreign policy priorities for promoting human security: the protection of civilians in armed conflicts, support for peacekeeping operations, conflict prevention, governance, accountability and public safety. In this context, the Government of Canada contributed to and supported the work of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty, which in December 2001 presented its report The Responsibility to Protect already referred to here.

4 5

For further details see Fuentes and Rojas Aravena (2003). http://www.dfait-maeci.gc.ca/

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The approach of the Government of Canada is more restrictive than what has been proposed by UNDP and the Commission on Human Security, as it focuses on the protection of individuals and communities in violent conflicts, particularly those within states. Its justification for this is the need for an approach that makes it more practicable to analyse and implement the concept of human security, rather than extending it to all sorts of areas. It also argues that there are a range of institutions dealing with development-related issues and that it is necessary to concentrate on a number of specific threats and on the creation of specific instruments for addressing them (Evans, 2003). The University of British Columbia has created a human security centre that forms part of a world affairs institute headed by Lloyd Axworthy. This centre is conducting a major project with a view to publishing a report on human security, under the direction of Professor Andrew Mack. An important aspect is the construction of a conflict database that will make it possible to link human development to armed conflicts.6 (ii) Japan

Japan has emphasized the need for the twenty-first century to be people-centred. This was made clear by the Bluebook of the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Government of Japan, 2002, Chap. 1), which states that human security is one of the central aspects of the country’s foreign policy. ‘Japan emphasizes “Human Security” from the perspective of strengthening efforts to cope with threats to human lives, livelihoods and dignity as poverty, environmental degradation, illicit drugs, transnational organized crime, infectious diseases such as HIV/AIDS, the outflow of refugees and anti-personnel land mines, and has taken various initiatives in this context. To ensure “Human freedom 6

http://www.humansecurityreport.info

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and potential”, a range of issues needs to be addressed from the perspective of “Human Security” focused on the individual, requiring cooperation among the various actors in the international community, including governments, international organizations and civil society’ (Government of Japan, 1999, Chap. 2, Sec. 3). One of the greatest contributions has been the establishment of a United Nations Trust Fund for Human Security, to which the Government of Japan has donated US$160.7 million in the last four years, making it one of the most important United Nations funds of its kind. Japan has also given crucial support to the creation and work of the Commission on Human Security. Among the priority issues selected for the awarding of project grants from the Fund are the following: poverty, refugees and internally displaced persons, health, drug control, transnational crime and the environment. Japan’s human security priorities are a direct result of the broader definition to which it subscribes in accordance with the arguments of the Commission on Human Security, which emphasizes the reduction of economic and social vulnerabilities rather than the strengthening of individual rights and freedoms, an approach that centres more on the prevention of violent threats.7 (iii) Human Security Network

The Human Security Network (HSN) grew out of a bilateral arrangement between Canada and Norway, signed at Lysøen Island (Norway) in 1998, and its aim was to form an association of countries with the purpose of promoting a new concept of human security centred on people (Fuentes, 2003).

7 It is interesting to note the differences between Canada and Japan here. Canada is another country that has promoted the human security outlook, but stressing the idea of ‘freedom from fear’, whereas Japan has prioritized ‘freedom from want’.

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The first HSN meeting was held in 1999, organized as a group of like-minded countries which, through informal and flexible mechanisms, seek to generate points of consensus and promote practical actions in this respect. The Network is currently made up of thirteen countries: Austria, Canada, Chile, Greece, Ireland, Jordan, Mali, the Netherlands, Norway, Slovenia, South Africa, Switzerland and the United Republic of Tanzania. Chile is the only Latin American country in the Human Security Network. In 2002 it hosted the Fourth Ministerial Meeting of this group of nations, and it has consistently given priority to the values and principles of human security when formulating its foreign policy. The Chilean Minister of Foreign Affairs, Soledad Alvear, has stressed that ‘human security … is not only linked to a humanitarian view of conflicts but also to the outcry of people, wherever they might live, for a decent quality of life that meets their aspirations and provides a response to their uncertainties. Therefore, our conviction is that peace is directly relating to the opportunities men and women have to lead a better life. For this reason, we emphasize that for us the highest degree of human security will be attained only when we seriously consider people as the main beneficiaries of national and international public policies’ (Soledad Alvear, 2003). Hitherto, the countries have concentrated more on generating a programme of international action than on pursuing the conceptual debate on human security. Thus, the agenda of HSN meetings has focused on a number of issues, four of them priority ones: prohibition of the use of anti-personnel mines and the clearing of minefields; small arms; the participation of children in armed conflicts; and human rights education. Table 1 summarizes the main issues dealt with at the five ministerial meetings of the Network.

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Table 1 Agenda of HSN ministerial meetings (1999–2004)

Source: Based on the President’s report of each Human Security Network meeting (http://www.humansecuritynetwork.org/).

The HSN has worked on numerous issues, as Table 1 shows, and this has hindered it from taking effective international action. This being so, one of the main tasks that will have to be addressed by this network of countries if it is to become a major international focus in this area is the establishment of a working programme setting out its priorities. Lastly, a Program on Humanitarian Policy and Conflict Research has been launched at the University of Harvard, under the direction of Claude Bruderlein. This programme publishes a periodic bulletin highlighting the work of the Network countries and the institutions that promote this vision of security.8 8

http://www.hsph.harvard.edu

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Part Three

Hemispheric initiatives

At the hemispheric level, an important debate has arisen within the Organization of American States over the need to generate a shared concept of security for the region. At the Second Summit of the Americas, held in Santiago (Chile) in 1998, the presidents instructed the OAS Committee on Hemispheric Security to carry out an analysis of the meaning, scope and influence of international security concepts in the hemisphere, with a view to identifying the common positions most appropriate for addressing their different aspects, including disarmament and weapons control. Emphasis was also laid on the need to identify ways of strengthening institutions in this field.9 At the Third Summit of the Americas, held in Quebec in 2001, this mandate was confirmed and it was decided that a Special Conference on Security should be held. The Commission on Human Security was therefore asked to complete its review of all issues relating to the approach taken to security in the hemisphere. Furthermore, the Plan of Action states that governments will ‘continue with priority activities on conflict prevention and the peaceful resolution of disputes, respond to shared traditional and non-traditional security and defense concerns and support measures to improve human security’. The origin of this declaration was a document presented by the Delegation of Canada to the OAS General Assembly in June 2000. The Delegation of Canada suggested that the Summit of the Americas and the OAS could

9

OAS, Special Conference on Security, AG/RES. 1908 (XXXII-O/02).

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incorporate the question of human security into their efforts to strengthen and consolidate democracy, as a useful yardstick for establishing priorities and evaluating results.10 One of the most significant developments for the reformulation of security concepts in the hemisphere occurred at the OAS General Assembly held in Bridgetown (Barbados) in June 1992. In the Bridgetown Declaration it was agreed that a multidimensional approach to hemispheric security would be established. Governments thus ‘recognized that security threats, concerns, and other challenges in the hemispheric context are of diverse nature and multidimensional scope, and that the traditional concept and approach should be expanded to encompass new and nontraditional threats, which include political, economic, social, health, and environmental aspects’.11 The Declaration also stressed that the new threats and challenges to security were transnational in nature and that the responses they required would have to involve different national and hemispheric organizations. This being so, it was agreed that appropriate mechanisms should be developed and strengthened to enhance cooperation and coordination so that the new threats, concerns and other multidimensional challenges relating to hemispheric security could be addressed in a more targeted way. The next Special Conference on Security was planned for May 2003, but was postponed until late October of that year. The Committee on Hemispheric Security, in fulfilment of its task of preparing the way for the conference, conducted a number of exercises including diverse and wide-ranging consultations with different organizations connected with hemispheric security issues. In addition, a number of governments answered a questionnaire dealing with the central issues of the conference. Meanwhile, the last two meetings of the 10 Document presented by the Delegation of Canada to the OAS General Assembly, OAS/SER.P, AG/doc.3851/00. 11 Bridgetown Declaration, AG/DEC. 27 (XXXII-O/02).

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OAS General Assembly passed important declarations and resolutions to pave the way for the forthcoming Special Conference on Security (Table 2). The Preliminary Draft Declaration of the Conference did not command a consensus among OAS member countries. The number of observations annotated throughout the preliminary document, relating to both technicalities and matters of substance, reflects the difficulties the countries face in finding a common concept of security to enable them to develop and use instruments that can protect states and their citizens. The draft Declaration reaffirms the multidimensional approach to security as the Bridgetown Declaration does. It refers to the need to recognize the diversity of perceptions among states in relation to threats and other security concerns and challenges such as the countries’ economic, social, political, environmental and health situations. It also affirms that ‘the security of individuals is a principal responsibility of states and is one of the essential foundations for national and hemispheric security. The security of the state and the security of the person are mutually reinforcing. Human security and state security are strengthened where states work to ensure the protection of all people’s rights, safety and lives’.12 The Special Conference on Security is an opportunity for the countries of the hemisphere to try to consolidate a broader vision of security with a view to drafting an inter-American charter of hemispheric security. It is important for Special Conference declarations to reaffirm the values and principles that organize cooperation on the continent, with democracy as the central axis, and to highlight the need for a comprehensive approach to security that effectively reflects the dimensions affecting the security of individuals.

12 OAS, Draft Declaration of the Special Conference on Security, CP/CSH558/03 rev. 3 (http://www.oas.org). See also ‘Consulting workshop with scholars and civil society organizations for the Special Conference on Security of the Americas’, held at FLACSO on 17 March 2003 (http://www.flacso.cl).

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The concept of human security is also present in subregional agreements. Of particular importance is the Costa Rican initiative proposing a series of changes to the Framework Treaty on Democratic Security in Central America. Costa Rica argues that ‘human security’ is a broader and more expressive term than the concept dealt with in Part II of the Treaty, which refers to the security of people and their property (Whyte, 2003). Table 2

General Assembly declarations and resolutions relating to the Special Conference on Security (2002–03) AG/DEC. 27 (XXXII-O/02)

Bridgetown Declaration: The multidimensional approach to hemispheric security (adopted at fourth plenary session, 4 June 2002)

AG/RES. 1908 (XXXII-O/02) Special Conference on Security AG/RES. 1940 (XXXIII-O/03) AG/RES. 1874 (XXXII-O/02) Inter-American Convention against the Illicit Manufacturing AG/RES. 1972 (XXXIII-O/03) of and Trafficking in Firearms, Ammunition, Explosives, and Other Related Materials AG/RES. 1877 (XXXII-O/02) Support for the Work of the Inter-American AG/RES. 1964 (XXXIII-O/03) Committee against Terrorism AG/RES. 1931 (XXXIII-O/03) Protecting Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms while Countering Terrorism AG/RES. 1879 (XXXII-O/02) Confidence-and Security-Building in the Americas AG/RES. 1967 (XXXIII-O/03) AG/RES. 1880 (XXXII-O/02) Summit-Mandated Meeting of Experts on Confidenceand Security-Building Measures in the Region AG/RES. 1882 (XXXII-O/02) Annual Report of the Inter-American Drug Abuse Control Commission and the Multilateral Evaluation Mechanism AG/RES. 1949 (XXXIII-O/03) Observations and Recommendations on the Annual Report of the Inter-American Drug Abuse Control Commission

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AG/RES. 1950 (XXXIII-O/03) Implementation of the Multilateral Evaluation Mechanism of the Inter-American Drug Abuse Control Commission AG/RES. 1885 (XXXII-O/02) Natural Disaster Reduction AG/RES. 1955 (XXXIII-O/03) AG/RES. 1886 (XXXII-O/02) Special Security Concerns of Small Island States of the AG/RES. 1970 (XXXIII-O/03) Caribbean AG/RES. 1887 (XXXII-O/02) Limitation of Military Spending AG/RES. 1963 (XXXIII-O/03) AG/RES. 1889 (XXXII-O/02) The Western Hemisphere as an Antipersonnel-LandAG/RES. 1936 (XXXIII-O/03) Mine-Free Zone AG/RES. 1934 (XXXIII-O/03) Support for the Program of Integral Action against Antipersonnel Mines in Central America AG/RES. 1935 (XXXIII-O/03) Support for Action against Mines in Ecuador and Peru AG/RES. 1903 (XXXII-O/02) Consolidation of the Regime Established in the Treaty AG/RES. 1937 (XXXIII-O/03) for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America and the Caribbean (Treaty of Tlatelolco) AG/RES. 1938 (XXXIII-O/03) Inter-American Support for the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty AG/RES. 1939 (XXXIII-O/03) Development of an Inter-American Strategy to Combat Threats to Cybersecurity AG/RES. 1968 (XXXIII-O/03) Proliferation of and Illicit Trafficking in Small Arms and Light Weapons AG/RES. 1966 (XXXIII-O/03) The Americas as a Biological- and Chemical-WeaponsFree Region AG/RES. 1795 (XXXI-O/01)

Preparations for the Summit-mandated Special Conference on Security

AG/RES. 1744 (XXX-O/00)

Cooperation for Security in the Hemisphere

AG/RES. 1643 (XXIX-O/99)

Work Program of the Committee on Hemispheric Security in Preparation for the Special Conference on Security

AG/RES. 1566 (XXVIII-O/98) Confidence- and Security-Building in the Americas

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Part Four

Strengths and weaknesses of the concept of human security

As Part Three showed, international debate is intensifying on the development of a concept of security centred on the protection of individuals that can respond to the fresh challenges and the many new threats that have been emerging in the new post-Cold War international context. Although there are disagreements about the conceptualization of human security and the best ways of implementing it, some of the essential characteristics of this concept can be described, as can some of its shortcomings or limitations. Among the strengths of this new concept, three fundamental characteristics need to be highlighted: • Its integrative nature and its focus on people. Unlike traditional security concepts, this one has been generated by civil society, going beyond concern for military power and the defence of territory in an effort to protect individuals and communities. Thus, human security is based on the idea of personal security, on the understanding that not only the state but also non-state actors and the individual are responsible and need to participate in creating policies and measures to enhance people’s security. • Its multidimensionality. Human security includes the dimensions that affect people’s security (political, economic, social) and identifies traditional and unconventional security threats. It emphasizes that the effects of the main threats to people’s security are worldwide in scope.

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• Its stress on multilateralism and cooperation. The new international context has altered the dimensions of issues that were formerly addressed exclusively from a national perspective but that are now part of a new international order where only the capacity for joint action will restore to states the ability to generate, together with other actors, a system capable of meeting national, regional and international demands. Human security emphasizes partnership and cooperation. In the terms set out above, the concept of human security has the effect of drawing together security concerns in different areas. Nonetheless, this concept does have some limitations and these are particularly important in the context of the Latin American countries, whose democratic systems have shortcomings. Here, the main limitations of this concept derive from two factors: (a) its wide scope; (b) the introduction of the security dimension into development priorities. Some authors have argued that the scope of security concepts entails the risk of ‘desecuritization’, i.e. that they might be emptied of content by being extended too far because everything can be evaluated from the perspective of security, which thus loses its specificity, the result being a potential failure to protect citizens.13 Not every important issue is a security issue. Nor is every security issue necessarily a priority one. Thus, it is important for the idea of human security to be linked to violence and the use of force and to be kept as a coordinating concept (Rojas Aravena, 2001). In practical terms, however, the scope of the tasks relating to human security translates into difficulties in focusing on issues considered to be of high priority and generates implementation problems at both the national and the regional and international levels. In the first case, this is because priorities and the extent of the problems affecting people’s security vary depending on the

13

Ole Waever, cited by Diamint (2001).

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regional and national context, which complicates the design of strategies for action associated with this concept given the multiplicity of interests and demands involved. An example of this is the difficulties that the Human Security Network has encountered in seeking to identify which issues are of priority for this partnership of countries and to apply the appropriate international measures. This problem is felt particularly strongly in Latin America, as although good analyses are available of the main vulnerabilities affecting the region, there is no consensus as to what the priorities should be. This results in weak policy-making when it comes to action for development and human security. As regards problems with applying and implementing this concept, it is important to realize that they derive not just from the scope of the tasks involved in human security but also from the need to improve coordination between organizations. This process can give rise to confusion as to the respective roles and functions of particular institutions, organizations and individuals participating in this process, and it also coincides with the slow, long-drawn-out reform and modernization of states and certain international organizations with the objective of greater administrative efficiency. At the national level, it requires greater coordination between the staff of defence and foreign affairs ministries, and of the armed forces and police. In the case of the Latin American and Caribbean countries, there is a need to carry out a ‘reform of security systems’ as a crucial aspect of institutional modernization and as an instrument of democratic governance. At the international level, meanwhile, the functions of multilateral organizations need to be better targeted to deal with security threats. The second shortcoming of this concept is the possibility that the issue of security may be integrated into development plans and that these plans may overlap, i.e. the possibility that there may be military responses to what are properly development issues. Here, while the problems of development 49

and security are closely linked, it is important to demarcate their respective fields of action and be clear that these are two different fields that need to be harmonized carefully. In Latin America, special attention needs to be paid to: (a) targeting the functions of the armed forces and police within a democratic framework: it is essential for legal frameworks to be delimited to prevent the police from becoming militarized or the military from taking on attributes that properly belong to the police; (b) establishing effective coordination between the civil and military authorities to address the new security threats in an effective way. The issue of the use of violence and the state’s monopoly of this is crucial, as shown in Part Five.

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Part Five

Human security: a unifying and linking concept

In the last decade, the countries and societies of Latin America have undertaken a far-reaching review and reformulation of security concepts. A conceptual shift has been taking place, away from the Cold War outlook that identified a single enemy and that was strongly military, with state interests predominating, towards a post-Cold War stage in which the threats are diffuse, have less of a military character, often appear to have nothing to do with the state, and may even be deterritorialized. The objective of this debate is to develop a shared concept of hemispheric security that yields more effective responses to the demands arising at the national, regional and international levels. Against this background, FLACSO-Chile has been working on the conceptualization of human security with the idea of enhancing the strengths of this outlook and evaluating and clarifying its possible limitations, particularly in the Latin American context. To this end, three essential issues have been concentrated on: (a) the need to establish in practical, operational terms the relationship between national security, international security and human security; (b) the use of violence as a determining element in the analysis; (c) the formulation of recommendations for preventing violence and other non-military threats to the individual.

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(a)

The security triad14

One of the main intellectual and institutional challenges is to establish a conceptual link from human security to international security that takes in state security on the way (Rojas Aravena, 2003a). Once satisfactorily established, this relationship will simultaneously satisfy world security needs and those of nations, individuals and peoples. At the same time, it will improve the implementation of human security measures. The primordial characteristic of the new international conflicts, centred on intra-state problems, reveals the need to reach a better understanding of the interrelationship between these three levels, particularly in view of the impact of globalization. The new threats are transnational in nature and involve actors and agents that in most cases do not represent a nation or are not located in a clearly delimited state territory. Again, in a context of globalization and interdependence the risks and vulnerabilities that affect a nation’s security also affect other states, and thus cannot be resolved exclusively within its own borders. Wars have changed radically as well. The great majority of them are no longer between states. Conflicts take place within states and have inter-state consequences. Their origins and motivations have more to do with ethnicity, religion or self-determination than with disagreements over borders or state interests. Non-state actors are playing a more prominent part. Furthermore, demands are increasingly being directed towards international, inter-state and non-governmental organizations, which means that the capabilities of states, especially the less powerful ones, are being reduced. To conceptualize security, a number of associated concepts need to be considered. National security is what is traditionally meant by security, being concerned primarily with sovereignty and matters relating 14

This subject is also discussed by Fuentes and Rojas Aravena (2003).

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to borders and natural resources. The conceptualization of national security centres fundamentally on the state, which is considered responsible for safeguarding the interests of its community. The size and balance of military forces come into play here, as do concepts associated with deterrence and defence. International security refers principally to relations between states, the international community of the United Nations and regional organizations (such as the OAS). World aspects, globalization and the influence of state actors, international organizations and, increasingly, non-state actors, can be situated at this level. In the sphere of international security, solutions of a general nature are produced and global and/or regional international regimes are instituted. Thus, this level works on the basis of multilateralism. Human security centres on the protection of individuals and communities. This concept has a unifying and multidimensional nature. It takes in more local dimensions, even if these relate to issues affecting great masses of people. It also takes in issues of a planetary scale that affect humanity as a whole (AIDS, SARS, the environment, etc.). In both cases, these are issues that have not traditionally been approached at the other two levels (national security and international security). In other words, the focus is shifting from the state to individuals; the fundamental issue is the protection of individuals and peoples over and above their connection with a particular state. Thus, human security is emerging as a unifying and linking concept for the new security problems and determinants of the twenty-first century. Table 3 summarizes the main dimensions of analysis used to define the concepts of national security, international security and human security, and the practical consequences that these definitions entail.

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Table 3 Dimensions of analysis. Conceptualization of national security, international security and human security

In the human/national/international security triad, the predominating factor can vary depending on the situation. In the vast majority of cases where the state is strong and dominant, the pivot will be national security and its link with international security. This confirms that the state is still the main international actor. In some geographical regions, mainly Africa, the centre of gravity may instead be international security and its 54

principal actors, owing to the collapse of some states. In other words, the focus is on the ability of the international system to react to crises in fragile or disappearing states, either to achieve stability or to produce and promote cooperation and assistance when humanitarian disasters occur. In Latin America, the main vulnerabilities derive from the crisis of governance that is affecting the region, making human security harder to achieve and at the same time creating the conditions for serious insecurity that perpetuates the fear of violence and the persistence of serious unmet needs throughout the region. Because there is very little in the way of inter-state conflict and the crisis of governance has not attained the proportions of a humanitarian crisis, the international community has paid little attention to the problems facing Latin American countries. To sum up, the conditions required for human security can only be met in conjunction with the conditions required for state and international security. Indeed, an international crisis is at once a state crisis and a human security crisis. Likewise, a crisis in the state becomes a humanitarian crisis and an international crisis, and a human security crisis is simultaneously a state and international crisis, whence the need for a holistic approach. (b)

Broadening the concept of security and violence

What sets human security apart is its unifying, holistic character. This means that the dimensions affecting people’s security/insecurity can be determined and the concept of security accordingly extended to take in economic, political, social, environmental and indeed cultural aspects. To avoid the danger of over-reach referred to earlier, however, it is necessary to settle upon an approach or element that can provide a focal point for the concept of human security in the different dimensions and at the different levels where it is expressed. Similarly, a holistic or integrated perspective means that appropriate linkages can be made in the conceptual triad. 55

In our judgement, the specific structural element that enables this phenomenon to be best understood and targeted is violence. Accordingly, we need to consider both the conditions under which this appears and its perpetrators. The phenomenon can be more readily analysed if three main aspects are considered: the conditions under which violence is likely to occur; the perpetrators of violence; and the preventive measures that can be taken so that violence and humanitarian crises do not break out. (i) The conditions under which violence is likely to occur. The particular relationships that arise between structural elements and the manifestations of violence must be understood in order to analyse the necessary preconditions for violence. Simultaneous consideration must also be given to the specific conditions leading to violence: these are the elements that turn necessary conditions into sufficient conditions. By considering these aspects the set of conditions that come together in a particular way to produce violence can be determined with greater precision. (ii) The perpetrators of violence. The functions and capabilities of potential perpetrators of violence will be of vital importance. Thus, consideration must be given both to their actual capacity for exercising power and to their subjective capacity for influencing others so that violence can be committed. In the current international context we can recognize non-state actors whose capabilities are very considerable, in many cases greater than those of states themselves, which means that differentiated responses are required to address the phenomenon of violence in its various manifestations. (iii) Preventive measures to stop violence breaking out. Multidimensional approaches to security widen the field of analysis. Nonetheless, if violence and the use of force are to be kept as the focus of analysis targeted responses must be produced to account for the phenomenon of violence as such, i.e. to be capable in an emergency of dealing with structural situations by 56

various means. Establishing a preventive framework means determining in what situations it can be said that the power of the state has proved inadequate or in what circumstances a humanitarian situation requires an international reaction, something that in turn means establishing where the decision to act will be taken, and by whom. If this takes place in an international setting then solid multilateral institutions will be required to lay down the parameters for collective action. Equally, while preventive and active measures will focus primarily on situations of actual violence, they need to be understood as part of a broader response process that is able to take a multidimensional approach to the situations described. In this latter case, preventive and active measures reaffirm the associative and cooperative nature of the response. In the present situation, the impact of globalization and interdependence and of development gaps has resulted in a major loss of state capabilities, affecting small and medium-sized states in particular. In the case of Latin America, this has been manifested in a profound crisis of governance. In this context, the state ceases to exercise effective sovereignty in all kinds of areas. When it loses its monopoly of legitimate force then a critical situation arises, one that can lead to a humanitarian crisis because of the state’s inability to respond. Collapsed or failed states are an acute example of this loss of capabilities. One of the prime options opening up in today’s context is that of generating a planned, associative and necessarily reciprocal surrender of sovereignty to expand the scope for regulation based on the interconnection and interdependence between two or more state actors. Joint action to forestall the use of force reaffirms international law and generates increased opportunities for concerted action. In other words, ‘the new global and regional challenges in the post-Cold War period are to improve and create law and to construct spaces for cooperative action, substantive links to limit the use of force, by working towards the 57

establishment of regimes that bring stability and peace within reach’.15 In the Latin American countries, great masses of people are suffering the consequences of the state’s failure to assert a monopoly of violence or its inability to create a demilitarized order. This is compounded by the growing presence of transnational phenomena involving the use of violence, not at a level sufficient to overthrow an established state but enough to create a strategic threat. These are what have been called asymmetrical threats. Other forms of violence can be the work of the state when it oversteps the legitimate use of force, with effects that are equally negative for individuals. There is a need to design new and more efficient policy coordination mechanisms that include prevention and coercion of the non-traditional dimensions of violence. Identifying violence as a pivotal element makes it possible to achieve a broad understanding of the phenomena that determine it and to obtain specific responses as to when and in what cases legitimate violence is the best means and when other instruments should be used. The militarization of responses results in a rising spiral of violence that is hard to stop. Conversely, the adoption of preventive measures limits the scope for the emergence of conditions that favour violence.

15

Translated from Rojas Aravena (2001).

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Part Six

Ethical and normative dimensions of human security (a)

Ethical aspects of human security

Besides the conceptual debate about human security, it is important to note that this idea also entails an ethical and a normative dimension. The ethical dimension concerns the idea of right and wrong, while the normative one relates to what ought to be done. Ultimately, ethics are the set of values and principles that govern a particular society or human group and the normative aspect concerns the practices that norms prescribe. This means the international agreements and conventions signed by states to protect the individual in the case of human security, and the follow-up of their application by governments, international organizations and civil society. From an ethical point of view, human security is to be understood as an idea that promotes respect and protection for individuals and that needs to be put into practice so that individuals perceive it not as an elusive concept but as a basic demand and a fundamental right, as well as a personal responsibility (Lee, 2004). In this context, it is essential to point out that respect for human rights is the core of personal protection. The two are mutually reinforcing. As the Report of the Commission on Human Security puts it, the idea of human security helps to determine which rights are threatened in particular situations, whereas human rights answer the following question: how can human security be furthered? The idea of rights and obligations

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complements recognition of the ethical and political importance of human security. Some authors have even argued that ‘human security … is the realization of the three generations of human rights: human beings need freedom from fear and from unmet basic needs (the essence of human security), and to this end they have the right to individual freedom, equality before the law, the ownership of material goods, an active vote, the making of laws, resistance to oppression, a fair wage, food, clothing, housing, health, education and culture. In sum, human beings have the right to live and choose in states that are politically self-determining, that dispose in a free and sovereign fashion of their natural resources, and that are free to construct their own culture.’16 The ethical aspect lies in the protection of individuals as a basic element of international law and of the definition of the public goods on which the international system is based. When it comes to implementing this approach, however, priorities differ significantly by region. In the case of Africa a stronger state is a precondition, and from this follows the argument that the key factor is the link between human security and human development. Without state capabilities and a minimum basis of human development, neither stability nor peace will be achieved and non-traditional threats will weigh every more heavily (Goucha and Cilliers, 2001). In the case of the Caribbean, similar ethico-normative conditions are emphasized in relation to the security challenges that need to be met in the region’s small countries.

16

Translated from Víctor Valle (2003).

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(b)

Normative dimension of human security

One of the factors giving greater currency to the concept of human security is the growing universalization of the values and principles enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the development of international law as it relates to the protection of the individual. As this section shows, the international order is no longer confined to matters bearing on the prevention of war between states, but also extends to the promotion of citizens’ rights, welfare and personal freedom. Each of the issues and concerns included in Tables 4–8 relates to an area that has been the subject in more or less recent times of a normative effort by the international community in those aspects that affect the security of individuals. As highlighted earlier, the Human Security Network has played a significant role in this. Conventions and protocols have been used to establish legal sources which, on the one hand, provide the tools needed to move towards enforcement of the objectives set forth in each of these instruments of international law and, on the other, taken as a whole, illustrate the degree to which each country is committed to what may now be considered universally accepted principles. Applying this criterion to Latin America and the Caribbean, the tables that follow show which of a number of conventions and protocols the countries of the region have signed up to in the political (political rights, human rights), socio-economic (economic and social rights), cultural (cultural rights, non-discrimination) and environmental spheres and in the area of disarmament and international and regional security. The instruments chosen directly concern one or more of the problems of the human security field, thus they throw light on the extent to which this outlook is being promoted in Latin America. To simplify our approach, each country’s degree of participation in each of the conventions and protocols identified 61

is summarized by the expressions SP (State Party) and NP (Non Party). The first of these refers to countries that have signed and ratified or acceded to each of these instruments and that therefore have not only incorporated them into their domestic legal arrangements but participate in their administration by the international community or the inter-American community, as the case may be, either as States Parties at their conferences, or as Member States of organizations set up by these. The expression NP (Non Party) alludes to those states that have not signed these instruments, or have signed them but not ratified them, and have therefore not incorporated them into domestic law and do not participate in their administration. In one particular case, that of the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime (Table 6), the expressions Signed (S), Not Signed (NS) and Ratified (R) are used, because this instrument has not yet come into force, and the categories of ‘State Party’ and ‘Non Party’ do not yet apply.

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(c)

Treaties, conventions and other binding instruments dealing with human security Table 4

SP: State Party NP: Non Party S: Signed R: Ratified NS: Not Signed

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Table 5

SP: State Party NP: Non Party S: Signed R: Ratified NS: Not Signed

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Table 6

SP: State Party NP: Non Party S: Signed R: Ratified NS: Not Signed

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Table 7

SP: State Party NP: Non Party S: Signed R: Ratified NS: Not Signed

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Table 8

SP: State Party NP: Non Party S: Signed R: Ratified NS: Not Signed

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Socio-economic sphere ICESCR: International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights

Adopted and opened for signature, ratification and accession by the United Nations General Assembly on 16 December 1966. In force since 3 January 1976. This is a binding instrument that complements the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and it basically establishes that all peoples have the right of self-determination. It adds that, by virtue of this right, the peoples of the world are free to pursue their own economic, social and cultural development. It also contains the complementary provision that all peoples may, for their own ends, freely dispose of their natural wealth and resources without prejudice to any obligations arising out of international economic co-operation, based upon the principle of mutual benefit, and international law. It specifically states that in no case may a people be deprived of its own means of subsistence and that its provisions will apply to men and women alike. Again, among the most important rights to be protected, the following are specified: the right to fair wages and decent living conditions for workers and their families; the right to safe and healthy working conditions; the right to rest and leisure; the right to form unions and to social security; the right to protection of the family; the right to physical and mental health; the right to education (primary education is compulsory for the citizens of States Parties); and the right to culture and the benefits of scientific progress and its technological applications. CRC: Convention on the Rights of the Child

This Convention was adopted and opened for signature and ratification by the United Nations General Assembly on 20 November 1989. It has been in force since 2 September 1990 68

and its objective is to create the conditions for the children of the world to be able to exercise their right to full development and the harmonious development of their personalities, growing up in their families in an atmosphere of happiness, love and understanding. Children, the Convention states, must be educated in the spirit of the ideals proclaimed in the United Nations Charter and, in particular, in a spirit of peace, dignity, tolerance, liberty, equality and solidarity. To this end, the Convention lays down a framework of protection against exploitation and discrimination for all those aged under 18, starting with recognition of their right to life, to a nationality, to their identity and to know their parents, from whom they may not be separated against the latter’s will. The States Parties to the Convention must adopt the measures necessary to prevent the illegal removal of children abroad and their illegal retention in places away from their parents. The Convention also recognizes the rights of children to health, to education, to formulate their opinions and to freedom of conscience and religion. It likewise establishes, for those States Parties that recognize adoption, the obligation to safeguard the child’s best interests. It also includes provisions for the protection of children who are mentally or physically disabled. OP-CRC-AC: Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the involvement of children in armed conflicts

Adopted by the United Nations General Assembly on 25 May 2000 and in force since 12 February 2002. The text expresses the concern of the international community about the recruitment, training and use within and across national borders of children in hostilities by armed groups distinct from the armed forces of a State, … recognizing the responsibility of those who recruit, train and use children in this regard, on the basis of which it establishes the obligation of States Parties to ensure that no member of their armed forces aged under 18 participates directly 69

in hostilities, and that no-one under this age is subjected to compulsory recruitment. In conformity with this, and in view of the provisions of the Convention on the Rights of the Child, states must raise the age of compulsory recruitment to over 18, and at lower ages recruitment will only be acceptable if it is genuinely voluntary. OP-CRC-SC: Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the sale of children, child prostitution and child pornography

Adopted by the United Nations General Assembly on 25 May 2000 and in force since 18 January 2002. The text states that, considering that the Convention on the Rights of the Child recognizes the right of the child to be protected from economic exploitation and from performing any work that is likely to be hazardous or to interfere with the child’s education, or to be harmful to the child’s health or physical, mental, spiritual, moral or social development, and that among the most worrying cases of child exploitation is the increasing international traffic in children for the purpose of the sale of children, child prostitution and child pornography and sex tourism, the States Parties have decided to expressly ban the sale of children, child prostitution and child pornography. For this purpose, the Protocol defines the ‘sale of children’ as any act or transaction whereby a child is transferred by any person or group of persons to another for remuneration or any other consideration; ‘child prostitution’ as the use of a child in sexual activities for remuneration or any other form of consideration; and ‘child pornography’ as any representation, by whatever means, of a child engaged in real or simulated explicit sexual activities or any representation of the sexual parts of a child for primarily sexual purposes.

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ILO-182: Convention concerning the Prohibition and Immediate Action for the Elimination of the Worst Forms of Child Labour (Convention 182)

Adopted by the General Conference of the International Labour Organization (ILO) on 1 June 1999 and in force since 19 November 2000. ILO Member States considered the need to adopt new instruments to prohibit and eliminate the worst forms of child labour, to complement the different instruments of international law that protect the rights of the child, particularly the 1973 Convention and Recommendation concerning Minimum Age for Admission to Employment. The Convention expresses the determination of ILO to effectively eliminate the worst forms of child labour through immediate and comprehensive action, taking into account the importance of free basic education and the need to remove the children concerned from all such work and to provide for their rehabilitation and social integration while addressing the needs of their families. The text identifies the following as the worst forms of child labour: (a) all forms of slavery or practices similar to slavery, such as the sale and trafficking of children, debt bondage and serfdom and forced or compulsory labour, including forced or compulsory recruitment of children for use in armed conflict; (b) the use, procuring or offering of a child for prostitution, for the production of pornography or for pornographic performances; (c) the use, procuring or offering of a child for illicit activities, in particular for the production and trafficking of drugs as defined in the relevant international treaties, and (d) work which, by its nature or the circumstances in which it is carried out, is likely to harm the health, safety or morals of children.

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Political sphere SICC: Statute of the International Criminal Court

Signed in Rome on 17 July 1998. On 11 April 2002 the minimum number of ratifications required for it to come into force was reached and it came into effect on 1 July 2002 (76 ratifications and 139 signatures). Through this instrument, the majority of the international community aims to put an end to the impunity of those committing crimes that threaten peace and security. The Court is competent to judge cases of genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes and the crime of aggression. The main obstacle to the full operation of the Court at present is the position of the current government of the United States, which rejects its jurisdiction. ICCPR: International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights

Adopted by the United Nations General Assembly on 16 December 1966, the Covenant is an express acknowledgement that the Universal Declaration of Human Rights cannot be realized, and nor can the ideal of free human beings enjoying civil and political freedom and freedom from fear and want, unless conditions are created whereby everyone may enjoy his civil and political rights, as well as his economic, social and cultural rights. In its provisions the Covenant recognizes the right of all peoples to self-determination at the same time as it obliges signatory states to guarantee the civil and political rights of their inhabitants without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status.

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ICCPR-P2: Second Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, aiming at the abolition of the death penalty

Adopted and proclaimed by the General Assembly on 15 December 1989, it basically establishes that no one within the jurisdiction of a State Party to the present Protocol shall be executed, and that each State Party shall take all necessary measures to abolish the death penalty within its jurisdiction. GC-1949: Geneva Conventions of 1949

The after-effects of the Second World War led the international community to develop a normative structure to provide legal protection for the victims of armed conflicts. This structure is constituted by the Geneva Conventions, signed on 12 August 1949, which immediately became the cornerstone of international humanitarian law. There are four of these Conventions, each of them relating to a category of persons who do not participate or have ceased to participate in hostilities, namely: I. Convention for the Amelioration of the Condition of the Wounded and Sick in Armed Forces in the Field II. Convention for the Amelioration of the Condition of Wounded, Sick and Shipwrecked Members of Armed Forces at Sea III. Convention relative to the Treatment of Prisoners of War IV. Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War So far, 188 states have ratified these instruments or acceded to them.

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CNWC: Convention on the Non-Applicability of Statutory Limitations to War Crimes and Crimes against Humanity

Adopted and opened for signature, ratification and accession by the United Nations General Assembly on 26 November 1968. In force since 11 November 1970, it declares that statutory limitations will not apply, first, to war crimes as they are defined in the Charter of the International Military Tribunal, Nürnberg, and to the grave infringements enumerated in the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949, relating both to the protection of victims of war and to crimes against humanity whether committed in time of war or in time of peace (again according to the definition given in the Charter of the Nürnberg International Military Tribunal of 8 August 1945). The Convention likewise declares statutory limitations to be inapplicable to the expulsion of civilians by armed attack or occupation, inhuman acts due to the policy of apartheid and the crime of genocide as defined in the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, even if such acts do not constitute a violation of the domestic law of the country in which they were committed. By virtue of this instrument, States Parties are obliged to adopt all necessary domestic measures, legislative or otherwise, with a view to making possible the extradition, in accordance with international law, of persons accused of crimes to which statutory limitations are deemed inapplicable. Likewise, States Parties undertake to adopt, in accordance with their respective constitutional processes, any legislative or other measures necessary to ensure that statutory or other limitations shall not apply to the prosecution and punishment of the crimes referred to in the Convention.

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CAT: Convention against Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment

Adopted and opened for signature, ratification and accession by the United Nations General Assembly on 10 December 1984. In force since 26 June 1987. This Convention prohibits torture, which it defines as any act by which severe pain or suffering, whether physical or mental, is intentionally inflicted on a person for such purposes as obtaining from him or a third person information or a confession, punishing him for an act he or a third person has committed or is suspected of having committed, or intimidating or coercing him or a third person, or for any reason based on discrimination of any kind, when such pain or suffering is inflicted by or at the instigation of or with the consent or acquiescence of a public official or other person acting in an official capacity. It includes procedures for trying those suspected of committing such acts. CSR: Convention relating to the Status of Refugees

Adopted on 28 July 1951 at a United Nations conference on the status of refugees and stateless persons. It has been in force since 22 April 1954 and its purpose is to establish a specific point of reference that, combined with other instruments of international humanitarian law, provides adequate protection to those persons who owing to well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion, is outside the country of his nationality and is unable, or owing to such fear, is unwilling to avail himself of the protection of that country; or who, not having a nationality and being outside the country of his former habitual residence as a result of such events, is unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to return to it. Among other important aspects, the Convention establishes the legal status of each refugee and his or her rights as regards association, access to the courts wherever he or she may be, paid employment, housing and public education.

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ACHR: American Convention on Human Rights (Pact of San José, Costa Rica)

Signed in San José, Costa Rica, on 22 November 1969, at the Special Inter-American Conference on Human Rights, this Convention was inspired by the principles laid down in the Charter of the Organization of American States, in the American Declaration of the Rights and Duties of Man and in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights to make the rights and freedoms set out in these instruments fully operational in the Americas and to ensure to all persons subject to their jurisdiction the free and full exercise of those rights and freedoms, without any discrimination for reasons of race, color, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, economic status, birth, or any other social condition. The text of the Convention establishes that the internal civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights of the States Parties must conform to its provisions, and it then goes on to list the civil and political rights meant, namely, the right to juridical personality, the right to life, the right to humane treatment, freedom from slavery, the right to personal liberty, the right to a fair trial, the right to compensation and to respect for personal honour and dignity, the right to freedom of conscience, religion, thought and expression, and the right of assembly, among other things. It creates the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, which has seven members and whose mission will be to promote respect for human rights in the continent. If a Party so requests, it can report on a particular situation; once the procedures laid down by the Convention have run their course, the matter may be taken to the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, an organization created by the Convention itself whose jurisdiction shall comprise all cases concerning the interpretation and application of the provisions [of the Convention] that are submitted to it, provided that the States Parties to the case recognize or have recognized such jurisdiction. 76

IADC: Inter-American Democratic Charter

Adopted by the OAS General Assembly on 11 September 2001, the Charter recognizes that representative democracy is indispensable for the stability, peace, and political, economic, social and cultural development of the Americas. It states: considering that one of the purposes of the OAS is to promote and consolidate representative democracy, with due respect for the principle of nonintervention, the states composing it pronounce that this system of government is the only valid one and that its components are, inter alia, respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, access to and the exercise of power in accordance with the rule of law, the holding of periodic, free, and fair elections based on secret balloting and universal suffrage as an expression of the sovereignty of the people, the pluralistic system of political parties and organizations, and the separation of powers and independence of the branches of government. International and regional security sphere NPT: Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons

Opened for signature on 1 July 1968 in Moscow, Washington and London, it has been in force since 1970. The Treaty negotiators established in their preamble that this instrument had its origin in a concern shared by the whole international community about the devastation that would be visited upon all mankind by a nuclear war and the consequent need to make every effort to avert the danger of such a war and to take measures to safeguard the security of peoples. Since the Cold War, the NPT has been a cornerstone of global disarmament. Its basic objectives are to halt the race for leadership in weapons of mass destruction of this type, reduce the size of nuclear arsenals and prevent new states acquiring nuclear weapons, while at the same time encouraging international 77

cooperation in the use of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes. At present, 187 states are Parties to the treaty, including the five states that officially possess a nuclear arsenal. TLATELOLCO: Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America and the Caribbean (Treaty of Tlatelolco)

Signed in Mexico City on 14 February 1967 and in force since 25 April 1969, the Treaty of Tlatelolco created the world’s first non-nuclear zone, obliging its States Parties to use nuclear material and installations subject to their jurisdiction for exclusively peaceful purposes and to prohibit and prevent the following on their own territory: • the testing, use, manufacture, production, or acquisition by any means whatsoever of any nuclear weapons, by the Parties themselves, directly or indirectly, on behalf of anyone else, or in any other way. • the receipt, storage, installation, deployment, and any form of possession of any nuclear weapons, directly or indirectly, by the Parties themselves, by anyone on their behalf, or in any other way. • refrain from engaging in, encouraging or authorizing, directly or indirectly, or in any way participating in the testing, use, manufacture, production, possession, or control of any nuclear weapons. The administration of the Treaty, which is permanent, is the responsibility of the Agency for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America and the Caribbean (OPANAL), and it has now been signed and ratified by all the countries of Latin America and the Caribbean. BOGOTA: American Treaty on Pacific Settlement (Pact of Bogotá)

Adopted on 30 April 1948 during the Ninth American International Conference, the Pact of Bogotá is, along with the

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OAS Charter and the Rio Treaty, one of the pillars of the interAmerican system. By virtue of this instrument (which has only been ratified by thirteen countries), the Parties agree to refrain from the threat or use of force or from any other means of coercion in settling disputes, undertaking at the same time that they will never use any but peaceful procedures. The Parties to the Treaty also undertake to resolve international disputes through peaceful regional procedures before taking them to the United Nations Security Council. The Treaty establishes two procedures for peaceful dispute settlement: • good offices, consisting in the attempt by one or more American governments not parties to the controversy, or by one or more eminent citizens of any American State that is not a party to the controversy, to bring the parties together, so as to make it possible for them to reach an adequate solution between themselves. • investigation and conciliation, which consists in submitting the controversy to a Commission of Investigation and Conciliation to be established in accordance with the provisions of the Treaty itself. CPBW: Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production and Stockpiling of Bacteriological (Biological) and Toxin Weapons and on their Destruction

Signed on 10 April 1972 and in force since 26 March 1975, this Convention bans the development, production, stockpiling, acquisition or retention of microbiological agents or other biological agents or toxins, as well as weapons, equipment or means of delivery designed to use such agents or toxins for hostile purposes or in armed conflict. The prohibition is not an absolute ban but only applies to types and amounts that are not justified for prophylactic or protective purposes or for other 79

peaceful ends, and accordingly the Convention does not contain provisions restricting scientific research activities in the field of biology. It is important to stress that the Convention establishes that States Parties may not transfer to any other state, or to organizations or groups of persons, the biological agents, toxins, weapons, equipment or means of delivery referred to, and they are forbidden to help or encourage other states, organizations or individuals to acquire these. Likewise, the Biological Weapons Convention obliges States Parties to destroy or divert to peaceful purposes such stocks of biological agents, toxins, weapons, equipment and means of delivery as may have a military use. This Convention, then, was the first legal instrument to ban an entire class of weapons. CPCW: Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production, Stockpiling and Use of Chemical Weapons and on their Destruction

Signed after long negotiations on 13 January 1993 and in force since 29 April 1997, this Convention, as its name indicates, prohibits States Parties from developing, producing, acquiring, stockpiling, transferring and/or using chemical weapons. In addition, it obliges all States Parties to destroy their stocks of such weapons and the installations where they were produced. It also obliges them to arrange for the destruction of any chemical weapon they may have abandoned on the territory of another State Party. It should be emphasized that the Chemical Weapons Convention establishes permanent verification provisions covering not just the military sector of all States Parties but also their civilian chemical industries, which have to respect certain restrictions to comply with the objectives of the Convention. Verification is based on a system of transparency that obliges 80

States Parties to keep the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) permanently informed while allowing random inspections of sites where chemical weapons might be produced. It also allows for the possibility of challenge inspections being carried out following a complaint by another State Party. As a special mechanism, the Convention makes it possible for assistance to be rendered to a State Party that is attacked or threatened by chemical weapons, and contains other provisions to encourage cooperation between Parties and foster the trade in chemical products and equipment for peaceful purposes. OTTAWA: Convention on the Prohibition of the Use, Stockpiling, Production and Transfer of Anti-Personnel Mines and on their Destruction

The Ottawa Convention on the elimination of antipersonnel mines is the result of a worldwide campaign by various governments and non-governmental organizations. It was signed in December 1997 and applied on 1 March 1999. At present, 134 countries are Parties to this instrument, which in a short period has considerably reduced the number of these inhuman weapons whose impact, particularly on civilian populations, continues even after the end of the crises or conflicts in which they were employed. The Convention forbids States Parties to: (a) use anti-personnel mines; (b) develop, produce, otherwise acquire, stockpile, retain or transfer to anyone, directly or indirectly, anti-personnel mines; (c) assist, encourage or induce, in any way, anyone to engage in any activity prohibited to a State Party under the Convention. Each Party likewise undertakes to destroy or ensure the destruction of all the anti-personnel mines it possesses. To achieve this objective, the text provides, firstly, for a system of 81

international cooperation whereby each State Party has the right to seek and receive assistance from other States Parties and, secondly, for the creation of a transparency mechanism whereby each Party must report to the United Nations Secretary-General the total of all stockpiled anti-personnel mines owned or possessed by it, or under its jurisdiction or control, to include a breakdown of the type, quantity and, if possible, lot numbers of each type of anti-personnel mine stockpiled, and submit a plan for destroying them within specified periods. CTOC: United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime

Organized crime has taken on international proportions, becoming one of the most important new threats to international security (besides the threat it entails for the economic, social and cultural development of the inhabitants of each country taken separately). The international community has addressed the problem through the Convention against Transnational Organized Crime (Palermo Convention), signed in December 2000 in that Italian city. It has not yet come into force, but its signing should be seen as a demonstration of the political will to promote cooperation to prevent and combat transnational organized crime more effectively. To this end, the Palermo Convention clearly defines what is meant by organized criminal group, serious crime, structured group and proceeds of crime, along with other definitions that are important for combating international crime. The text then goes on to typify crimes and states that its provisions cover serious offences (more than four years in prison) and/or offences that involve the participation of an organized criminal group. This legal instrument is thus formulated to allow international cooperation so that criminal activities such as money laundering, arms smuggling and drug trafficking can be effectively combated.

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ICMTF: Inter-American Convention against the Illicit Manufacturing of and Trafficking in Firearms, Ammunition, Explosives, and Other Related Materials

Adopted by the OAS General Assembly on 13 November 1997 and in force since 1 July 1998, the Convention addresses the urgent need to prevent, combat, and eradicate on the American continent the illicit manufacturing of and trafficking in firearms, ammunition, explosives, and other related materials, due to the harmful effects of these activities on the security of each state and the region as a whole. The objective of the Convention is that of preventing, combating, and eradicating the illicit manufacturing of and trafficking in firearms, ammunition, explosives, and other related materials, to which end it seeks to promote and facilitate cooperation and exchange of information and experience to prevent their use and spread. The Convention obliges Parties to take the legislative measures necessary to classify as appropriate the crimes in which arms of this type are used, create the necessary competences within their respective legal systems, carry out branding of arms so that they can be properly supervised, confiscate arms that have been used in illegal acts, and other measures of a legal and technical nature to establish effective control. ICSFT: International Convention for the Suppression of the Financing of Terrorism

Adopted by the United Nations General Assembly on 9 December 1999, and in force since 10 April 2002, this Convention establishes a superstructure that links together another nine Conventions serving to combat terrorism, while at the same time representing a practical advance in the international community’s condemnation of all acts, methods and practices of terrorism as criminal and unjustifiable, wherever and by whomever committed, including those which jeopardize the friendly 83

relations among states and peoples and threaten the territorial integrity and security of states. To ensure international cooperation in suppressing the financing of such acts, the Convention defines what is to be understood by funds, state or governmental facility and proceeds that can be used to finance terrorism, while it expressly explains who will be deemed to have violated its provisions, namely, anyone who by any means, directly or indirectly, unlawfully and wilfully, provides or collects funds with the intention that they should be used or in the knowledge that they are to be used, in full or in part, in order to carry out: (a) An act which constitutes an offence within the scope of and as defined in one of the following anti-terrorism conventions: • Convention for the Suppression of Unlawful Seizure of Aircraft (The Hague, December 1970). • Convention for the Suppression of Unlawful Acts against the Safety of Civil Aviation (Montreal, September 1971). • Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of Crimes against Internationally Protected Persons, including Diplomatic Agents (New York, December 1973). • International Convention against the Taking of Hostages (New York, December 1979). • Convention on the Physical Protection of Nuclear Material (Vienna, March 1980). • Protocol for the Suppression of Unlawful Acts of Violence at Airports Serving International Civil Aviation, supplementary to the Convention for the Suppression of Unlawful Acts against the Safety of Civil Aviation (Montreal, February 1988). • Convention for the Suppression of Unlawful Acts against the Safety of Maritime Navigation (Rome, March 1988). • Protocol for the Suppression of Unlawful Acts against the Safety of Fixed Platforms Located on the Continental Shelf (Rome, March 1988).

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• International Convention for the Suppression of Terrorist Bombings (New York, December 1997). (b) Any other act intended to cause death or serious bodily injury to a civilian, or to any other person not taking an active part in the hostilities in a situation of armed conflict, when the purpose of such act, by its nature or context, is to intimidate a population, or to compel a government or an international organization to do or to abstain from doing any act. Environmental sphere MONTREAL: Montreal Protocol on Substances that Deplete the Ozone Layer

Following arduous negotiations within the framework of the Vienna Convention for the Protection of the Ozone Layer (March 1985), the Protocol was finally adopted on 16 September 1987. In its present form it contains amendments introduced at conferences in London (1990), Copenhagen (1992), Vienna (1995), Montreal (1997) and Beijing (1999). It is now regarded as part of Agenda 21, adopted at the Rio de Janeiro Earth Summit in 1992. Its object is to regulate the production and consumption of and trade in substances that deplete the ozone layer: chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs), halons, hydrochlorofluorocarbons (HCFCs), methyl chloroform (MCF) and carbon tetrachloride (CCL4). Because of its economic implications, the text reflects a trade-off between groups of developing countries that do not want emissions constraints to act as an obstacle to their economic development and developed countries that have more advanced environmental priorities and believe these substances to be an imminent danger to all humanity because of their impact on climate change, the environment and human health. Thus, the ultimate objective of the Protocol is to lead the States Parties to the elimination of these substances. 85

It is interesting to note that the Protocol, after providing the necessary definitions, establishes a system of emissions control that includes a transfer mechanism whereby one country can negotiate with another to transfer production of controlled substances, should its own be excessive and that of the receiving country be below the level permitted under the Vienna Convention on the Protection of the Ozone Layer (March 1985). CCC: United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change

The Convention was adopted by the General Assembly on 9 May 1992 and opened for signature at the Rio de Janeiro Summit of June 1992. It came into force on 21 March 1994. It reflects the concern that had been growing in the international community since the early 1980s that human activities, especially those of industry, had been substantially increasing the atmospheric concentrations of greenhouse gases, and that this had intensified the natural greenhouse effect, something that, on average, would result in an additional warming of the Earth’s surface and atmosphere that could adversely affect natural ecosystems and humankind. By virtue of this diagnosis, the UN set itself the objective of achieving, in accordance with the relevant provisions of the Convention, stabilization of greenhouse gas concentrations in the atmosphere at a level that would prevent dangerous anthropogenic interference with the climate system. Such a level should be achieved within a time frame sufficient to allow ecosystems to adapt naturally to climate change, to ensure that food production is not threatened and to enable economic development to proceed in a sustainable manner. To this end, the Convention supplements the measures pledged under the Montreal Protocol by stipulating a number of commitments, among which the most important are to: (a) develop, periodically update, publish and make available to the Conference of the Parties national inventories of

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anthropogenic emissions by sources and removals by sinks of all greenhouse gases not controlled by the Montreal Protocol; (b) promote sustainable management, and promote and cooperate in the conservation and enhancement, as appropriate, of sinks and reservoirs of all greenhouse gases not controlled by the Montreal Protocol, including biomass, forests and oceans as well as other terrestrial, coastal and marine ecosystems; (c) promote and cooperate in scientific, technological, technical, socio-economic and other research, systematic observation and development of data archives relating to the climate system and intended to further the understanding and to reduce or eliminate the remaining uncertainties regarding the causes, effects, magnitude and timing of climate change and the economic and social consequences of various response strategies. KYOTO: Kyoto Protocol

Protocol to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, adopted on 11 December 1997 at the Third Conference of the Parties held in Kyoto (Japan). It was open for signature between 16 March 1998 and 15 March 1999. To date there have been 111 ratifications and accessions, leaving the percentage of countries that have ratified it still short of the required 55 per cent of total greenhouse gas emissions for 1990.17 The Protocol is a political, economic and technical instrument whose aim is the progressive reduction of these gases to 5.2 per cent below their 1990 level by 2012. CBD: Convention on Biological Diversity

Adopted at the Rio de Janeiro Summit of 5 June 1992. Its object is to protect our biodiversity, i.e. the wide variety of living 17 Since the time of writing, the Kyoto Protocol has entered into force (16 February 2005).

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beings that inhabit the Earth and the natural patterns they form, an issue of the greatest importance for the sustainable development strategy adopted by the Summit. To this end the States Parties to the Convention undertake to establish a sustainable relationship between economic development and environmental conservation, seeking to achieve three principal goals: (a) conservation of biological diversity; (b) sustainable use of its components, and (c) fair and equitable distribution of benefits from the use of genetic resources. CARTAGENA: Cartagena Protocol on Biosafety

Instrument that complements the Convention on Biological Diversity, adopted at Cartagena de Indias on 29 January 2000. In accordance with Principle 15 of the Rio de Janeiro Declaration on Environment and Development (1992), it represents an application of the precautionary principle, as its object is to create a system to protect biodiversity from the risks represented by the cross-border transportation, handling and use of products derived from biotechnology, particularly genetically modified organisms. The Protocol provides for the creation of mechanisms to ensure that countries participating in the transportation and handling of these organisms have the information they need to take measures which remove the risk their importation represents to the environment and human health. BASEL: Basel Convention on the Control of Transboundary Movements of Hazardous Wastes and their Disposal

Adopted by an international conference that met in Basel (Switzerland) on 22 March 1989, it was the main precursor to Chapter 20 of Agenda 21, which emphasizes the importance for natural resource conservation and sustainable development of effective control of the generation, storage, treatment, recycling and reuse, transport, recovery and disposal of hazardous wastes. 88

Achieving these ends, Agenda 21 adds, will require the active cooperation and participation of the international community, governments and industry, by ‘industry’ being meant large industrial enterprises, including transnational corporations and domestic industry. The objective of the Basel Convention is to establish a system of rules to prevent the transportation of hazardous wastes from becoming a specific threat to the environment and human health, and to this end it establishes, among other important measures, the right of states to forbid the transit of wastes that they believe could represent a threat of this kind. At the same time, it obliges states to reduce their production of such wastes and to ensure the availability of adequate disposal facilities so that they can be managed in an environmentally sound way. The text also lays down the obligation for States Parties to cooperate among themselves to ensure that the objectives laid down are met, while Annex I lists the categories of wastes to be controlled (clinical, pharmaceutical and chemical wastes, organic solvents, waste mineral oils, hydrocarbons, arsenic, mercury, lead, etc.) and Annex II lists the categories of wastes requiring special consideration (explosives, inflammable substances and inflammable solids). CITES: Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora

Convention adopted by an international conference held in Washington, D.C. (United States) on 3 March 1973, which came into force on 1 July 1975. Its objective is to prevent the illegal trade in wild species becoming a threat to their survival. Application of the Convention is based on cooperation between States Parties, and protection is currently being given on this basis to some 30,000 species of flora and fauna worldwide. For this purpose, CITES has drawn up three schedules of species

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classified into three appendices depending on the degree to which they are threatened: Appendix I – includes all endangered species. Trade in specimens of these species is authorized only in exceptional circumstances. Appendix II – includes species that are not necessarily endangered, but trade in which has to be controlled to ensure that they are not used in a way incompatible with their survival. Appendix III – includes species protected in at least one country that has requested the assistance of other Parties to CITES in controlling trade in them. Cultural sphere ICERD: International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination

Adopted in New York on 21 December 1965 and in force since 4 January 1969, this Convention defines ‘racial discrimination’ as any distinction, exclusion, restriction or preference based on race, colour, descent, or national or ethnic origin which has the purpose or effect of nullifying or impairing the recognition, enjoyment or exercise, on an equal footing, of human rights and fundamental freedoms in the political, economic, social, cultural or any other field of public life. It consequently obliges States Parties to ensure that their authorities and institutions will not practise any form of racial discrimination against individuals, groups of persons or institutions. Accordingly, the Convention requires national and local laws to be revised so that any vestige of racial discrimination can be eliminated from their cultures. At the same time, national and local authorities must work for the creation of integrationist and multiracial organizations whose aim is to remove barriers between races and eradicate any activity that might tend to entrench racial division. 90

CEDAW: Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women

In force since 3 September 1981, this Convention represents a major achievement by the international community in its struggle against discrimination based on gender. Its Preamble notes that States Parties that are signatories to the International Covenants on Human Rights are obliged to guarantee equality for men and women in the enjoyment of all economic, social, cultural, civil and political rights, including the right to equality between men and women. Concerning principles, the Convention states that discrimination against women violates the principles of equality of rights and respect for human dignity, is an obstacle to the participation of women, on equal terms with men, in the political, social, economic and cultural life of their countries, hampers the growth of the prosperity of society and the family and makes more difficult the full development of the potentialities of women in the service of their countries and of humanity, by virtue of which it obliges its States Parties to: (a) embody the principle of the equality of men and women in their national constitutions and legislation and ensure the practical realization of this principle; (b) adopt appropriate legislative measures, including sanctions where appropriate, prohibiting all discrimination against women; (c) establish legal protection of the rights of women on an equal basis with men and ensure the effective protection of women against any act of discrimination; (d) refrain from engaging in any act or practice of discrimination against women and ensure that public authorities and institutions shall act in conformity with this obligation; (e) take all appropriate measures to eliminate discrimination against women by any person, organization or enterprise; 91

(f ) take all appropriate measures, including legislation, to modify or abolish existing laws, regulations, customs and practices which constitute discrimination against women; (g) repeal all national penal provisions which constitute discrimination against women. In 1999 the Convention was provided with an Optional Protocol recognizing the competence of a Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women, which can be applied to by any woman to demand enforcement of the rights guaranteed to her by the Convention.

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Part Seven

Principal threats to human security in Latin America18

Insecurity in today’s world results from the convergence of numerous factors that manifest themselves in interrelated dysfunctions in the political, economic, social, environmental and even cultural spheres. In the case of Latin America, the main threats to human security are associated with a set of circumstances that include, chiefly, weak democracy, rising poverty and inequity and, increasingly, urban violence and crime. Although efforts have been made by multilateral institutions, governments and civil society to deal with these vulnerabilities, there is still a long way to go. This section offers a thematic analysis of the main vulnerabilities observed in the Latin American countries as they affect the security and protection of individuals. It identifies six basic areas in which threats could arise for human security in the context of the Latin American countries: 1 Socio-economic vulnerabilities (a) Economic growth (b) External debt (c) Unemployment; women and the young (d) Human development 18 This section is mainly based on a FLACSO report prepared for the XXXIII meeting of the OAS General Assembly, Santiago, 7 June 2003 (FLACSO-Chile, 2003a). Various ECLAC, FAO and UNDP documents and the 2003 report of the Commission on Human Security were also major sources, as the bibliography shows.

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(e) Poverty (f ) Social inequality (g) Public-sector spending (h) Health 2 Social integration and vulnerability (a) Migration (b) Indigenous peoples and multiculturalism (c) Technology and social integration 3 Politico-institutional vulnerabilities (a) Recurrent crises (b) Political and civil rights (c) Corruption (d) Crisis of political party representation (e) Public perceptions 4 International security vulnerabilities (traditional) (a) Inter-state conflicts (b) Unresolved border conflicts (c) Transnational security threats: (i) drug trafficking; (ii) money laundering; (iii) terrorism; (iv) light arms trafficking; (v) Colombia 5 Internal security vulnerabilities (a) Social violence and crime (b) Institutionalized violence 6 Environmental vulnerabilities (a) Deforestation (b) Water

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1

Socio-economic vulnerabilities

Social and economic vulnerabilities reflect the growing inability of the production, trading and financial systems to solve people’s most immediate problems, essentially poverty, the distribution of income and, increasingly, unemployment. From the human security point of view, it is essential to find the best tools for dealing with these insecurities. Accordingly, emphasis has been laid on the need to reiterate the principle of ‘growth with equity’ and establish that of ‘crisis with security’. In other words, to generate and encourage the creation of mechanisms to protect people in adverse situations that include inflation, unemployment and fiscal crises. A review of some indicators for Latin America reveals low rates of growth and great vulnerability to upheavals in the international economy, rising external debt and high unemployment rates. This last factor leads to an uncertain economic outlook for the countries of the region. From the social point of view, furthermore, we find that poverty levels are rising, social exclusion is not improving, the gap between rich and poor is widening, and social spending is low in some countries. (a) Growth and economic crises

In relation to this point it is important to stress that economic crises in developing countries often create immediate threats to human security as output falls, income is lost and unemployment increases, provoking a significant rise in poverty and intensifying people’s fear that they will be unable to meet the basic needs of their families or themselves. Generally speaking, financial crises can have harmful effects on long-term human security. Economic growth in the region has been unstable over the last twelve years. While there were periods of great dynamism and growth at the beginning of the decade, the different 95

international crises and the way governments reacted to spells of prosperity had very rapid consequences for the behaviour of the region’s economies (Figures 1–3). In 1994 the Mexican crisis and the resultant ‘tequila’ effect caused GDP to fall by 4 points. The Asian crisis of 1997 had similar effects, with a new slowdown of growth. By contrast with the instability experienced in the 1990s, which affected just a few countries, the crisis of the last three years has had negative effects on all the economies of the hemisphere, as reflected in the slowdown of growth throughout the region. Vulnerability is manifested by the lack of fiscal tools available to governments to cope with crises and the direct repercussions of the lower levels of growth on social spending. While growth is expected to recover, 2003 will have been the fifth year of economic slowdown in Latin America and the Caribbean. Figure 1 Latin America and the Caribbean: gross domestic product (1990-2001)

Source: ECLAC (various years) (http://www.eclac.cl/).

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Figure 2 North and Central America and the Caribbean: gross domestic product

Source: ECLAC (various years) (http://www.eclac.cl/).

The economic crises arising from global instability and local difficulties undoubtedly had the greatest repercussions in the countries of South America, especially Argentina, Uruguay, Paraguay and Venezuela. In the north, only Mexico’s GDP fell. Figure 3 South America: gross domestic product

Source: ECLAC (various years) (http://www.eclac.cl/).

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As can be seen from the statistics for Latin America, it is essential to devise protection and mitigation mechanisms to cope with economic crises and setbacks. Progress needs to be made in developing early warning mechanisms in this area. Prevention work can be of considerable help in limiting the high costs to personal security.

(b) The steady rise in external debt

In parallel with economic and financial crises, the rise of external debt is increasing economic uncertainty and discouraging foreign investment, and thus undermining human security. Gross disbursements of external debt rose quickly during the 1990s until 1999, when the regional average stabilized and then began to fall. Between 1993 and 2002 the region’s debts rose by 37 per cent. Since 1999, the year when the trend was broken, debt has fallen slowly by a cumulative 5 per cent (Figure 4). While the tendency in Argentina has been similar to the regional average, as of last year its debt had risen by 84 per cent from its 1993 level. The macroeconomic policies applied during the two terms of President Menem contributed to a situation that exacerbated the crisis, making Argentina the most heavily indebted country in the hemisphere. It is followed in second and third places by Brazil and Venezuela, respectively. In the case of Venezuela, debt fell slowly but steadily throughout the period, while the indices for Brazil match those of the region as a whole during the decade. The region’s instability and the decline in its indices of confidence have raised the cost of borrowing and increased interest rates on bonds sold and on international loans. This high level of borrowing entails high indices of economic vulnerability, as it raises doubts in international organizations as to the feasibility of this debt being repaid. 98

From a human security point of view, every new person is born with a deficit corresponding to this heavy burden of external debt. This will affect the opportunities open to the countries and give rise to increased global differentiation. New generations are increasingly fearful about the prospects for meeting their needs. Figure 4 Latin America and the Caribbean: gross disbursements of external debt

Source: ECLAC (http://www.eclac.cl/).

(c) Rising unemployment

From the human security point of view, the problem of employment is fundamental, because in real life people can only obtain at least partial security by improving their ability as individuals or families to generate and control resources. The rise of unemployment is one of the main sources of insecurity in the region. The unemployment indices rose steadily, although moderately, throughout the period. Whereas in early 1993 the regional average was 6.6 per cent of the population, by 2002 the figure had risen to 9.1 per cent as a weighted average (Figure 5; ECLAC). 99

The countries with the highest unemployment rates at present are in South America, examples being Argentina, Colombia, Uruguay and Venezuela, where they are in excess of 15 per cent. In the case of Argentina the unemployment level had risen by more than 11 points from its 1993 level by 2002, to over 20 per cent. The decline in output and external investment had a direct effect on the labour market and raised urban unemployment to the highest level in the region. Figure 5 South America: urban unemployment

Source: ECLAC (http://www.eclac.cl).

The extent to which the region’s economies are influenced by international crises is shown directly by its unemployment levels. During the last three years there have been direct effects on most of the countries. Only Chile, Ecuador, Mexico and Panama have experienced modest rises. The hope is that economic recovery will stabilize unemployment levels and reverse this rising trend in the coming years. In North and Central America and the Caribbean, by comparison, unemployment levels are lower (Figure 6). 100

Figure 6 North and Central America and the Caribbean: urban unemployment

Source: ECLAC (http://www.eclac.cl).

In Latin America there are two tendencies that should be analysed with respect to human security. First, the rise in unemployment is coinciding with an increase in the number of own-account workers, many of whom are not included in the statistics and lack adequate social protection. Second, the rise in joblessness in many countries has been accompanied by higher indices of social delinquency, particularly among young people. Unemployment is also one of the main causes of mass migration to the developed world. Social and economic indicators for women and the young

In all the region’s countries, rates of joblessness are significantly higher among the youth population. Furthermore, if these rates are compared within the 15–24 age group (Table 9), it transpires that unemployment is significantly higher among women.

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Table 9 Female and youth unemployment percentages, age 15–24 (1999)

Source: ECLAC (2002) (http://www.eclac.cl/).

If earnings are compared by gender, it transpires that women are paid much less than men in all the countries of the region. In Bolivia, Brazil and Mexico women earn 40 per cent less than men. When the figures are compared by educational level, this difference tends to increase rather than diminish in a number of countries, the most striking cases being Bolivia, Colombia, Costa Rica, Honduras, Panama and Paraguay. The disparities between men and women can have a great impact on economic security (Table 10), especially in societies where women are more discriminated against. In this context, the empowerment of women at work is essential if security conditions are to improve in the long term. Table 10 Women’s average earnings as a percentage of men’s, by years of education, urban areas (1999)

Source: ECLAC (2002) (http://www.eclac.cl/).

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(d) A marginal improvement in human development

Economic security does not just mean earnings and basic resources; it also entails the freedom to enjoy basic health, education and housing services, among others. Generally speaking, measures to promote economic security (reducing poverty and increasing living standards) are observed to have a major social impact. In the region, there has been a marginal improvement in social development. The index prepared by the United Nations places most of the region’s countries in the medium human development group (Table 11). While the indicators have increased in most of the countries, only six of them have moved up to the high development category (Argentina, Bahamas, Barbados, Chile, Costa Rica and Uruguay). The Human Development Index takes account of life expectancy at birth, schooling and per capita GDP growth. Table 11 shows that these indices improved marginally between 1990 and 2000. Although the data are not comparable over time (because of the different methodologies used each year), it should be noted that all the region’s countries show a rising tendency, although the increases are not substantial. The countries showing the least change in this index are Honduras, Jamaica, Nicaragua, Paraguay and Venezuela. The majority of the region’s population is situated at a medium level of human development.

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Table 11 Changes in the Human Development Index and index of variation between periods

Source: UNDP.

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(e) Rising poverty and income inequality

The Development Objectives of the Millennium Declaration state that poverty is one of the priorities for the new century. This being so, human security policies should treat the struggle against poverty as a major challenge for the international community. According to United Nations data, 1.2 billion people suffer from extreme poverty. In other words, a fifth of the world’s population lives on less than a dollar a day. In these circumstances, it is impossible to consider human security while ignoring the problem of poverty. For the Latin American countries, this is a need of the first order. Poverty in Latin America rose by about 3 percentage points between 1980 and 2001, from 40 per cent to 43 per cent. As regards social marginalization, the 2001 indices are exactly the same as those of 1980 (Figure 7). The severe economic crisis of the 1980s led to a rapid rise in the number of people living in poverty and a steady increase in the income inequality indices. The 1990s were characterized by a tendency for poverty to fall until the middle of the decade, and then to rise steadily from 1997 onward. While the percentage of people living in poverty fell during the 1990s, in absolute terms poverty increased. Around 1999, over 200 million people were living in poverty in the region. In short, the economic expansion of the 1990–97 period throughout much of the region was not sufficient to reduce poverty levels effectively, and poverty indices in Latin America are now higher than they were in 1980.

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Figure 7 Latin America: poverty and indigence (1980–2001)

Source: ECLAC (http://www.eclac.cl).

While poverty has tended to decline across the region in the last decade, a number of South American countries are above the regional average or have experienced increases. The case of Argentina is the most striking. During the last three years observed, the percentage of its population below the poverty line increased by more than 10 points to over 30 per cent. In the same period, indigence came to afflict 10.2 per cent of the population, a rise of 5 points in just three years. The South American countries that are most socially vulnerable because of their high poverty levels are Argentina, Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru and Venezuela (Figure 8). In Bolivia and Ecuador the poverty index is 60 per cent. In Central America the indices are much higher than the Latin American average (Figure 9). The most vulnerable countries in that subregion are El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras and Nicaragua, with poverty levels of over 60 per cent. In short, as the Commission on Human Security report points out (CHS, 2003), identifying the mix of political 106

institutions and processes needed for a level of growth sufficient to reduce poverty has become a matter of international concern. If the objective of eradicating poverty is to be achieved, one thing that is crucial is for the international trade organizations (such as WTO) and other regional and national actors to act in concert to encourage the action of markets so that equitable growth is generated. At the same time, growth accompanied by human development also requires state intervention, which needs to be combined with market policies. Figure 8 South America, selected countries: poverty (1990–2001)

Source: ECLAC (2002b) (http://www.eclac.cl/).

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Figure 9 Mexico and Central America, selected countries: poverty (1990–2001)

Source: ECLAC (2002a).

(f) Rising social inequality

Human security would increase if society as a whole benefited from the income generated by economic growth. Unfortunately, in the Latin American countries growth does not translate into an expansion of social protection services or networks. The distribution of resources, both material and human, is crucial if persistent inequality is to be addressed. The region continues to be characterized by inequality in the distribution of income. Over the last ten years this has not only remained at high levels, but has increased worryingly. Whereas on average the richest 10 per cent of households receive more than 30 per cent of total income, the poorest 40 per cent receive only 10 per cent (Figure 10; Tables 12, 13). The region’s 108

income distribution is the most unequal on the planet. It is in Brazil, Chile and Colombia that income inequality is most acute: here, the richest 10 per cent receive more than 40 per cent of total income. Generally speaking, the richest 20 per cent of the population have incomes that are 23 times as great as those of the poorest quintile, and in some cases, such as Bolivia, they are 50 times as great. Figure 10 Income distribution differential between richest 10% and poorest 40%

Source: ECLAC (http://www.eclac.cl).

Table 12 Income distribution: total income share of the poorest 40%

Source: ECLAC (http://www.eclac.cl).

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Table 13 Income distribution: total income share of the richest 10%

Source: ECLAC (http://www.eclac.cl).

(g) Public-sector social spending and poverty

Another vital aspect from the point of view of human security is public-sector social spending, particularly that which goes on poverty eradication. The objective of this spending is to establish social protection networks so that everybody has the opportunity to participate in every sphere of life. These networks might include unemployment insurance, pension plans and training programmes, for example. Social protection networks are vital for coping better with times of economic crisis. One of the lessons the Asian countries learned after their crisis was the necessity and importance of applying such protection measures. In Latin America, social spending has tended to rise over the last decade, but the results are very far from being comparable with the social welfare systems built up by some developed countries. Whereas in the early 1990s spending averaged some US$360 per capita in the region, towards the end of the decade it was US$540 per capita, or a rise of 50 per cent (Figure 11). The increase in spending is explained by the better economic times experienced by most of the countries until the mid-1990s, and by a shift in government policies that gave greater priority to

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social spending. It is still low, however, when compared with social spending in developed countries. Figure 11 South America, selected countries: public-sector social spending per capita (1990–99)

Source: ECLAC (http://www.eclac.cl).

In South America most countries exceed the Latin American average, particularly Argentina and Uruguay, where the figure is in excess of US$1,000 per inhabitant. At the other extreme, Bolivia and Peru have low social spending. Nonetheless, countries with low or moderate spending levels saw much faster growth in the last decade than countries with higher levels of spending, with increases averaging almost 100 per cent (Figure 12). In the Mexico and Central America subregion, the highest social spending is found in Costa Rica, which saw steady growth throughout the period. Honduras went against the regional trend by lowering its social spending steadily throughout the decade, even the latter part of it, when the rise in the cost of living there is taken into account. 111

In the rest of the region, social spending rose steadily. As these are extremely poor countries with little social investment, the rises seen in the last period amount in some cases to over 100 per cent in relation to the 1990 level. This is the case with Guatemala. Figure 12 Mexico and Central America, selected countries: public-sector social spending per capita (1990–99)

Source: ECLAC (http://www.eclac.cl).

As a percentage of gross domestic product (GDP) social spending has increased steadily in the region, averaging 13 per cent towards the end of the decade. Expressed in this form, the rise in spending shows that the region’s governments have been giving greater priority to social issues in their allocation of fiscal revenue (Figure 13).

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Figure 13 Latin America: social spending as percentage of GDP (1990–99)

Source: ECLAC (http://www.eclac.cl).

Despite steady growth, the level of spending on social development areas in Latin America is still inadequate in comparative terms. For example, the ten countries with the highest per capita health expenditure levels in the region spend far less than the ten countries with the highest Human Development Index scores (Figure 14). Argentina, the country with the region’s highest health expenditure, spends US$650 per capita, far less than the US$1,704 spent by Finland, the country ranked tenth by the report. Measured in terms of fiscal effort, expenditure tends to be closer to the level of more-developed countries; nonetheless, only three countries in the region spend more than 5 per cent of GDP on health (Colombia, Costa Rica and Panama), while in most of them the level is 2–3 per cent.

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Figure 14 Countries with world’s highest health expenditure vs ten highest-spending Latin American countries

Source: UNDP (2002).

(h) Health

Health is an essential element in human security, as the basis of security is the protection of human life. Good health is also a precondition for social stability. Outbreaks of an epidemic or disease can destabilize an entire society at times of crisis. Good health is not synonymous with security, however. There are specific problems and challenges connected with human security. The 2003 report of the Commission on Human Security proposes four criteria for establishing a link between human security and health: (a) the burden represented by disease now and in the future; (b) the urgency with which measures are adopted; 114

(c) the extent and degree of the impact on society; (d) interdependence or ‘external causes’ that may produce a chain reaction spreading beyond the persons or locations immediately affected. Following these criteria, two major problems for Latin America can be identified: infant mortality and HIV/AIDS. The first of these is closely linked to the poverty in the region, where malnutrition is widespread, as is the lack of drinking water and proper sanitation (Figures 15, 16). Mexico, Central America and the Caribbean, for example, display high rates of infant mortality, with an average of 40 children dying for every 1,000 live births. Infections, poor quality food and a lack of medical attention are among the explanations for these high mortality levels. Again, there are extremely large gaps between certain countries. While there are over 100 deaths per 1,000 in Haiti, the figure in Costa Rica and Cuba is 10 per 1,000, very close to developed-country levels. Figure 15 Mexico, Central America and the Caribbean: infant mortality, 0–5 years (2001)

Source: WHO (http://www.who.int).

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In South America, mortality rates are somewhat lower. Nonetheless, the average is very similar to that of other regions in Latin America. Bolivia has the highest mortality index, followed some way behind by Brazil and Peru. Chile and Uruguay are the exceptions in the region, together with Costa Rica and Cuba. Figure 16 South America: infant mortality, 0–5 years (2001)

Source: WHO (http://www.who.int).

The rise in the population infected with HIV/AIDS is another major health vulnerability, as the situation in the countries of sub-Saharan Africa makes plain. The countries most affected in Latin America are Brazil, Haiti and Mexico (Figures 17, 18). It is interesting to note, however, that the epidemic has been fairly well contained by comparison with other countries such as China, India and the Russian Federation, where there is a serious danger of the epidemic spreading explosively.

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Figure 17 Central America, the Caribbean and Mexico: population living with HIV/AIDS (2001)

Source: Avert (http://www.avert.org).

Figure 18 South America: population living with HIV/AIDS (2001)

Source: Avert (http://www.avert.org).

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2

Social integration and vulnerability

The persistence of high levels of poverty in the region, combined with the weakness of democratic institutions, is seriously affecting the social integration of traditionally excluded sectors that are subject to severe discrimination. The sectors that are particularly vulnerable in Latin America are ethnic groups and immigrants. Empowerment of these is essential, because they are the sectors that suffer most from economic, social and indeed cultural insecurities. This section shows some examples of this exclusion. It examines more closely the subject of migration, a vital issue for human security both internationally and regionally. It also considers the digital divide as a source of human insecurity. (a) Migration and human security

The convergence of two concepts such as human security and migration raises two initial questions, the answers to which will determine both the frameworks within which the discussion is approached and the different policy proposals and measures adopted by states. The first question is how the relationship between human security and migration is to be understood and what the consequences of linking the two terms will be. The second question is what theoretical and political contribution the concept of human security can make to the analysis of migrations. In other words, to what extent will approaching the matter from the human security point of view provide new elements for the analysis and study of migratory movements? Without trying to answer these questions fully, this section sets out to determine the relationship between migration and human security in order to create a framework within which the problems can be raised and considered as they relate to the region. Some proposals are advanced for action to construct conditions of human security for immigrants within the 118

framework of international law and the instruments available to protect the human rights of immigrants of both genders. Migration in Latin America

The issue of migration as it relates to human security in the new global situation opens up an interesting and complex field of analysis, encompassing not just the conflicts inherent in migration itself, but also the tensions deriving from the crisis of national states in the face of globalization, with a focus on people. International migration, which is part of human history, means movements in which, by definition, men, women and children have to cross the politico-administrative frontiers of nation-states. This places migration in a category that transcends the traditional limits of states, giving the most basic definition of migration an international perspective. The international dimension that is part of the very concept is transmitted and reproduced in the analysis of the causes, consequences and problems of this phenomenon, placing migration in a context that is planetary in scope. Migrations are worldwide, and so are their causes and consequences, as well as the situation of social and economic vulnerability affecting migrants who leave their countries in search of better living conditions. This being so, an approach to migration from the perspective of human security will contain three basic elements: (i) the worldwide nature of this phenomenon, (ii) the central role of individuals and their social, economic and psychological vulnerability, and (iii) the responsibility of states for taking coordinated, organized measures to deal with the insecurity affecting millions of human beings who risk their very lives in attempting to realize their dream of a better existence. Between 1970 and 2000 the immigrant population of the world doubled, so that in the latter year 175 million people were living in a country other than that of their birth; this is almost 3 119

per cent of the world’s population. Whereas this number may be small in comparison with the population that does not emigrate, the fact is that the high concentration of immigrants in particular countries or geographical areas has led to migration becoming a problem, which has in turn become one of the key political priorities of governments. According to an International Migration Report (United Nations, 2002), 60 per cent of immigrants currently live in more-developed countries. Most of these are in Europe (56 million), Asia (50 million) and North America (41 million). One in every ten people living in the moredeveloped regions is an immigrant, while one in every seventy people living in the less-developed regions is an immigrant. This situation reveals that migratory movements have a definite direction, running from less-developed areas to moredeveloped ones. It is thus necessary to consider more carefully, first, what is going on in the recipient countries and if immigrants’ quality of life really does improve there and, secondly, how the countries of origin could succeed in keeping at least part of this population. Although Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights recognizes the right of everyone to freedom of movement and residence within the borders of each state and the right to leave any country and return to their own, states have responded to the rise in immigrant numbers by beginning to apply policies that seek to reduce the number of foreigners reaching their respective countries,19 justifying this by the principle of protecting their sovereignty and territory. This situation creates a basic tension as, on the one hand, the dynamic of globalization, the unequal growth of economies and technological development are intensifying the movement of people from one country to another, whereas, on the other hand, states are invoking the right to defend and protect their 19 See United Nations (2002). According to the report, by 2001 some 40 per cent of States had adopted measures to control and reduce immigration.

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sovereignty, citizens and territory by gradually starting to close their borders to foreigners, particularly ‘undesirable’ ones, in response to demands by the domestic labour market. The closing of borders creates all the conditions most calculated to exacerbate the vulnerability of immigrants. The rise of human trafficking, the irregular status of immigrants and their stigmatization as ‘illegals’, ‘criminals’ and even ‘potential terrorists’ not only make it harder for immigrants to plan their lives when they leave home, but expose them to greater abuses, generating a dynamic in which discrimination, exclusion and marginalization are increased. Despite this tension, an international system is emerging to protect the human rights of all immigrants within the framework of globalization itself and of the advance of multilateral policies. For these international regulatory frameworks to have a positive effect, a crucial factor is the attitude of nation-states and their willingness not only to accede to the different agreements and treaties, but to apply them thoroughly within their own borders. It is impossible to conceive that states by themselves might succeed in finding solutions to problems such as human trafficking, discrimination against immigrants and labour market pressures, particularly considering that one of the main reasons for the rise in migration is the globalization of the economy, communications and scientific advances. For this reason, the states concerned need to take concerted action. The problems of human security in the region are similar to those in the rest of the world, but they have certain specificities in the current context. Some of the particular characteristics of Latin American migration are set forth below, with a view to then identifying the main human security problems facing the region in this respect. Far from being homogeneous, the region displays a variety of tendencies that make up a heterogeneous picture. This is true both of today’s migratory movements and of historical migration patterns. 121

In Latin America and the Caribbean it is calculated that 20 million people live outside their country of birth, a figure that represents 13 per cent of all international immigrants (Martínez and Villa, 2002). Of these the vast majority are in the United States, with smaller numbers in other developed countries (Japan, Canada, Spain, Italy and others). In the United States, according to the Current Population Survey (Census Bureau, 2000), there are 14.5 million immigrants from Latin America and the Caribbean (half of all the immigrants in the country). Meanwhile, ‘Latinos’ (including immigrants and US-born) form 13 per cent of the country’s total population, making them the largest minority (Table 14). Table 14 United States: immigrants from selected Latin American and Caribbean countries (1971–98) (thousands)

Source: INS (1998).

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While migratory movements in the region are quite heterogeneous, some characteristic features may be distinguished: • An increase in migration to the United States, much of it from Mexico. • A high level of internal mobility in the Caribbean (making up about half of all international migratory movements). Costa Rica is one of the main destinations. • In South America, Argentina and Venezuela are ceasing to be the main centres of attraction and destinations are diversifying, the main ones now being the European countries, the United States, Canada and Japan. Countries such as Chile are beginning to attract immigrants. • Colombia is a particularly serious case. The number of displaced persons is estimated at between 600,000 and 2 million. Those hardest hit by displacement are women, children and adolescents (Petit, 2002). According to Martínez and Villa (2000), three migratory patterns can be distinguished in the region. The first, migration from overseas, refers to the primarily European immigration that arrived in the Americas between the late nineteenth and midtwentieth centuries. The second is the intra-regional migration that peaked in the 1970s and stabilized in the following decades. Although intra-regional migration fell in the 1980s and 1990s, Latin America still has a high level of cross-border displacement. This is probably due to structural economic factors (complementary labour markets) and socio-political factors (such as political tensions and internal wars). In the 1990s, new forms of mobility emerged. These are circular, cross-border or reversible movements, suggesting an expansion of geographical living areas. The third pattern, finally, is extra-regional migration, characterized by the movement towards the United States and other destinations such as Australia, Japan and Europe, among others.

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Against this background, we now look at the human security issues affecting the region. (i) Human trafficking

According to the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA, 2000),20 4 million women are sold each year for the purposes of prostitution, slavery and/or marriage and 2 million children are brought into the sex trade. Between 700,000 and 2 million people are estimated to be the victims of human trafficking in the hemisphere. The main victims are women, children and the poor. Human trafficking is a business whose profitability is exceeded only by arms running and drug smuggling. Advances in communications and globalization have been reflected in the extension and diversification of the human rights violations to which the victims of trafficking are subject. The report presented at the Hemispheric Conference on Migration distinguishes different mechanisms of trafficking and sexual exploitation of women, minors and adolescents: • the marriage market; • trafficked women installed close to military bases for sexual use by soldiers; • trafficking of women to supply cheap labour; • women lured by contracts for the purposes of sexual exploitation; • women and children used to meet the demand for sex tourism; • women and children trafficked for the purposes of organ trading; • children sold for service in armed conflicts; • trafficking of persons to transport drugs.

20

http://www.unfpa.org

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Although most of the women trafficked are from Asia and Eastern Europe, the number of Latin American women and children transported to the United States and European countries as objects of the sex trade has increased in recent years. It is estimated that 40 million children are working as prostitutes in Latin America as a result of poor economic conditions (Kovaleski, 2001). In Nicaragua, a study carried out by the Government in 1999 stated that 82 per cent of child prostitutes had been in this situation for at least a year previously; 47 per cent of these minors worked as prostitutes for economic reasons and 96 per cent to be able to fund their drug dependency (Casa Alianza, 2001). In Guatemala, local police estimate that in the capital alone some 2,000 girls and boys are sexually exploited in brothels (Varney, 2001). Costa Rica is estimated to have one of the largest child prostitution problems in the region. The Instituto Nacional de Menores calculates that 3,000 minors participate in prostitution networks in the capital (Varney, 2001). In the case of women, Brazil, Colombia and the Dominican Republic are the region’s main ‘suppliers’ for the global sex trade. In Chile, according to a study conducted by Raíces, the trafficking of minors for the sex trade is not of alarming proportions, but cases associated with international paedophile rings have been detected. The problem is, however, that the country’s laws are extremely lax, as they do not adequately punish this type of crime. This leaves the way clear for organized international networks to recruit women and minors and to produce pornographic material in countries such as Chile, which is then sold in Europe, Asian countries and the United States. (ii) Illegality and vulnerability

The demand for workers prepared to carry out low-skilled jobs and the inequalities between the world’s economies create a 125

permanent migratory pressure. The measures taken by states to control and check immigration have resulted in the growth of illegal immigration controlled by organized mafias that endanger the lives of all those who are obliged to have recourse to illegal entry mechanisms. Labour deregulation, meanwhile, has resulted in the growth of irregular forms of employment, the outcome being that huge numbers of people are left unprotected by the instruments that guarantee workers’ rights. At the international level there are instruments to protect migrants, such as the International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of their Families. However, the countries classified as recipients of migration have not yet ratified these. Table 15 shows which countries have ratified the Convention. Table 15 Ratification of the International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families

Source: International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of their Families (http://www.december18.net).

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(iii) Exclusion, marginalization and discrimination

One of the problems that immigrants from poor countries have to cope with when they arrive in large cities and urban centres is the social and cultural discrimination they are subjected to. The exacerbation of xenophobic attitudes and the hardening of migration policies (which have become more restrictive since 11 September 2001) are creating a range of problems for future migrations. Serious difficulties stand in the way of real economic, political and social integration for these groups. This situation is not confined to the industrialized countries. The cases of Bolivians in Argentina, Guatemalans in Mexico, Dominicans in Costa Rica and Peruvians in Chile, to mention some examples, highlight the marginalization and exclusion suffered by immigrants. In the case of Chile, the 2002 Census gave a figure of some 40,000 for the number of immigrants originating from Peru. Most of these are employed in low-skilled jobs (domestic service, construction and street selling) and are viewed unfavourably by Chileans. According to the National Public Opinion Survey conducted by FLACSO in 2001, 70.7 per cent of respondents agreed with the proposition ‘Immigrants should adapt to Chilean culture’, while 68.6 per cent agreed with the statement ‘Immigrants take jobs from us’ (FLACSO-Chile, 2003b). (iv) Remittances

One aspect of particular interest to the states concerned is the transfer of funds. While it is difficult to estimate the amount involved (owing to the informal nature of transactions), the regional total was calculated as US$17 billion in 2000. Mexico is the largest recipient country (US$7 billion, or 1.1 per cent of GDP). In countries such as El Salvador and Nicaragua, however,

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remittances are very substantial as a proportion of GDP (13.6 per cent and 13.4 per cent, respectively). The dependence of some countries on remittances from abroad has strengthened the link between the communities of origin and transnational communities, and this can be a vital resource for the poorest economies. It does mean, however, that they are more vulnerable to the vagaries and fluctuations of the developed economies. Table 16 shows the amounts received by the countries of the region in the form of remittances. Table 16 Remittances in Latin America and the Caribbean: main recipient countries (1990 and 2000)a

Figures are for remittances entering the declaring country only. 1999 figure. c 1998 figure. d 1992 figure. a

b

Source: ECLAC, on the basis of figures from the IMF (2001). Cuba: national estimates.

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Existing instruments and proposals

Migration is a worldwide phenomenon affecting men and women from the moment they decide to emigrate to a particular country. Progress is urgently needed in protecting immigrants’ rights and ensuring that they can participate properly in the host society and realize their plans as human beings. This requires solutions that involve the different actors in society. Whereas states have a basic responsibility, civil society organizations, immigrants themselves and the host communities need to take a lead. There are international agreements and conventions that point the way. Table 17 gives some of the international instruments that seek to secure migrants’ human rights. Table 17 International legal instruments to protect the human rights of migrants

Source: Rodríguez (2002).

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It is essential for states to accede to these agreements and undertake to abide by them. Merely signing or ratifying them clearly does not guarantee a substantial improvement in the situation of vulnerability and insecurity affecting immigrants and the community of origin, but civil society needs to play a leading role in demanding that the agreements, rights and commitments accepted by states in this area should be enforced. (b) Indigenous peoples and multiculturalism

Historically, the demands of indigenous peoples in Latin America have been neglected by governments. This has created situations of great uncertainty and given rise in the last decade to the indigenous movements in Chiapas (Mexico), Ecuador and Bolivia, which in some cases have created strong pressure for governments to meet their requirements. Everywhere in the region there are at least three parties to these conflicts: indigenous communities, states, and the domestic and international businesses that are placing pressure on natural resources in indigenous lands. Although these conflicts have particular characteristics in different countries and contexts, there are certain elements common to all of them, such as: • long-neglected demands; • increasing pressure on the land and natural resources traditionally used by indigenous peoples; • an increasing expectation among indigenous communities and peoples that they will be able to participate in the democratic process; • greater awareness of these peoples’ situation on the part of the world community; • strong links with civil society organizations (environmentalists, unions, peasants’ associations). Indigenous peoples are marginalized to a significant degree in areas where the indigenous population is large, such as the Andean countries. This marginalization is also linked to the high 130

levels of poverty seen in the area. Here again, it is essential to empower indigenous populations with the objective of reducing the multiple insecurities that affect them in the economic, political and cultural spheres. (c) Technology and social integration: internet, politics and human security

The general objective of this section is to describe and characterize the new forms of political relationship between governments and citizens resulting from internet use and the implications of these for human security. Particular attention is paid to the digital divide as a new source of insecurity. (i) The digital divide as a source of human insecurity

The digital divide is one of the small group of issues that are of the highest priority for development. Along with controlling HIV, it is now right at the top of international organizations’ agendas. The demand for information and knowledge on the subject is increasing, best practice studies and country rankings are multiplying, and there is a dawning awareness of how dangerous it can be to have a world split down the middle, this time in respect of information access. The institutionalization process has been consolidated by the first World Summit on the Information Society, convened by the United Nations in two stages. The first phase was held in December 2003 in Geneva and the second will take place in Tunis in 2005. (ii) Opportunities for access to information

• More and better information: the availability of public service information on the internet means a substantial increase in the information of public interest that citizens have access to. 131

This has a variety of consequences: it fulfils the promise of transparency in public administration and can help improve public services for citizens. • Greater control and influence: access to more information can mean the opportunity to use this to monitor public administration. The more obscure areas of administration, such as public procurement, have their sphere of autonomy reduced by the simple fact that they can be scrutinized by citizens, the media or political parties. The range of tools available to the public for detecting and scrutinizing fraud, inefficiency or irregularities is widened. • Better quality of life and human development: UNDP reports and studies on the factors that promote or constrain human development highlight the important link between information access, social capital and quality of life. The promise, in this case, lies in the prospects for more efficient time and resource use that can be aspired to, greater trust in institutions and the possibility of enlarging social networks, among other things. One aspect of the promise held out by the internet, albeit a less obvious and visible one, is the empowerment of groups, communities or social movements, as channels of communication between citizens themselves become available. (iii) Internet governance

The internet has no government. Utopian and egalitarian visions coexist with the reality of a world in which there are still countries, borders, laws, fraud and abuses. There is a body which acts as a semi-regulator of the internet, however. This is the Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers (ICANN), responsible, by its own definition, for the general technical administration of the internet, for designing and supervising the domain name allocation system, and for allocating internet protocol (IP) addresses. ICANN was 132

created in September 1998 as a non-profit corporation under Californian law. It was an initiative of the United States Commerce Department, the objective of which was to take the control of names and numbers (communication protocols) away from the state and to create a structure that would reflect the worldwide reality of the internet. This is a crucial organization, as it is ultimately thanks to ICANN that e-mail messages reach their destinations and websites can be accessed. Year after year, this minimal institutional structure generates heated disputes about the basic regulations and protocols needed for the internet to work as we know it. It is a new focus of conflict and dispute. (iv) Defence and security

The geopolitical dimension of the internet also needs to be considered. The problem today is how the ‘soft power’ (Nye and Owens, 1996) derived from information technologies is controlled. The information revolution is changing the nature of conflicts and introducing new methods into warfare, terrorism and crime. It is altering military and security doctrines. It is now common to hear of the ‘new security agenda’ (Rojas Aravena, 1999) concerned with new threats, such as crime and terrorism networks. They are asymmetrical threats, where those with less military power enhance their capabilities by operating in accordance with a network logic (centralized strategy and decentralized tactics) and effective use of ‘soft power’. ‘Cyberwar’ is the disruption of the enemy’s command, communication and planning structures, rather than their physical destruction (Pisani, 2002), while ‘netwar’ refers to confrontations between or with protagonists other than states. Following the attacks by Islamic fundamentalist networks in New York and Washington, D.C., reference has begun to be made to terrorism on a new scale or worldwide terrorism. After September 11, a number of countries quickly passed new laws to 133

strengthen internet supervision. The antiterrorism plan made public by the U.S. Department of State sets two priorities in this war: intercepting the financial flows and communications of terrorist networks, and granting special powers to the FBI to monitor communications. (v) Networked local communities

This area of relationship between the internet and politics entails the incorporation of technology into the dynamics of local groups and communities. These are small organizations, local in their work and impact, whose operating capacities are thus amplified. They might be organizations whose work centres around some particular function or geographical location and which acquire new tools for interacting with local or central government and also with other organizations, so that citizen networks are formed. From the local base, links can also be created with equivalent groups in distant places. The result is the empowerment of groups and the virtualization of social capital. These are new patterns of civic participation and sociability. (vi) New forms and dynamics of social movements

The new patterns of sociability and communication made possible by this technology are profoundly altering the forms and dynamics of group formation and collective action. It is now being argued that the internet is a tool for empowering groups, communities or social movements, because its use enhances the operational capabilities of different groupings. It is also observed that one general tendency is the globalization of citizens. Causes such as the environment and human rights are being globalized, as are adversaries (the institutions of global capitalism, poverty). Other manifestations of the new dynamics of collective action are those connected 134

with intensive technology use. This is the case with new forms of protest such as the ‘netstrike’, which is a method of sabotaging the adversary’s communications, and ‘hacker activism’ which, along with new methods of action, establishes a novel framework of principles associated with collective creation, freedom of information and defence of the internet’s open architecture. Campaigning is a special instance of these changes in the dynamics of groups and social movements. It is now common for internet users to receive different types of appeals for the most disparate causes. Besides unwanted chain e-mail there are more structured campaigns, like those of Médecins sans Frontières and Greenpeace. (vii) Practical politics and democracy

The arrival of the internet has aroused great expectations about its impact on the exercise of politics and democracy. From the point of view of governments, internet use promises efficiency gains and savings, greater administrative transparency and closer contact with citizens. From the point of view of citizens, expectations centre on access to more and better information, control over the authorities, wider influence and, in general, greater efficiency in the use of time and resources. Public and political institutions are coming under increasing pressure from citizens who have begun to question the traditional ways of doing things. Before the internet made it possible, nobody could have imagined accessing all the files with the voting record of each member of parliament, carrying out administrative procedures on-line or presenting complaints about poor service from the home or office. This increasing communication between the state and citizens by electronic means has been a novel component of the state modernization process. The novelty, however, is not the use of technology as such but the possibility of opening up ever more 135

direct channels of communication to bring the authorities closer to citizens. This is a new form of mediation which is unquestionably having its effect on traditional systems of representation. One interesting prospect here is the future possibility of voting by internet, as one of the major advances that will help to resolve practical problems with the staging of elections. Some are even postulating a deliberative democracy in the purest Greek style (Coleman and Gotze, 2001; Cebrián, 1998). 3

Politico-institutional vulnerabilities: weak democracies

In Latin America and the Caribbean, democracy has proved to be the best political system for attaining the goals of freedom from fear and want. The region has a disastrous history of violations of human rights and political rights during the periods of dictatorship, when the doctrine of national security was paramount. This is why it is important to consolidate democracy, as a system that has an inbuilt preference for dialogue and policy agreement, to solve disputes and promote human rights among the different actors and agents of society. Latin American democracies tend to be weak. With a few exceptions, the region displays serious politicoinstitutional shortcomings that manifest themselves in recurring crises, unwarranted interference by the armed forces in domestic political matters in certain countries, lack of respect for political and civil rights and basic guarantees, high indices of corruption and institutionalized violence. It is not surprising that the result of this should have been a feeling of profound mistrust towards political parties and the crisis of representation affecting these.

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(a) Recurrent crises

The instability and weakness of the region’s democracies are creating a regressive environment characterized by increasing polarization and the growing use of instruments of force, so that violations of basic human rights are multiplying. Furthermore, when these situations worsen, as has happened lately in the Andean area, there is a risk that polarization will give way to increasing militarization. Humanitarian emergencies have their origin in this escalation. This is why it is so important to establish preventive mechanisms to ensure democratic stability. Every one of the more or less acute crisis situations summarized in Table 18 has had a major retrograde effect on people’s security, sometimes because of political and military fears and sometimes because of rising poverty and the consequent increase in basic needs. Thus, despite the third wave of democratization in the early 1990s which created a window of opportunity for democratic consolidation, many countries have been affected by serious political crises that are tending to be resolved outside democratic parameters. From 1990 to the present, political and/or military elites have used the threat of military force on a number of occasions to disrupt the democratic process. The most emblematic cases in the 1990s were those of Paraguay, Haiti and Peru. In the last few years, however, new sources of tension have arisen in Argentina and Venezuela.

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Table 18 Politico-institutional crises in Latin America (1990-2003)

Source: Prepared by FLACSO-Chile on the basis of press reports. Coup d’état Military uprising or tension Removal/resignation of president

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(b) Low-density democracies

The tendencies indicated by Table 18 reveal the difficulties that Latin American and Caribbean countries are having in consolidating approaches that ensure respect for essential political and civil rights and thereby consolidate democratic systems. This finding highlights the need to promote the central issues of human security as a fundamental part of democratic transition and consolidation. After more than a decade of democratic transition, it transpires that full respect for political rights (suffrage, alternation in power and the right to vote in secret and without pressure, among others) exists in only half of a total of twentyone Latin American countries. Figure 19 shows that from 1988 to 2002 an average of ten countries can be considered fully democratic from the point of view of political rights. More serious still is the fact that civil liberties, including the right to assembly, freedom of speech and association, protection against abuses of power by the authorities, etc., are fully respected in only six of those twenty-one countries. From 1988 to 2002, we cannot discern any major change in the trend where respect for civil liberties is concerned. This gap between the larger number of countries that now fully respect political rights and the number fully respecting civil liberties bespeaks a situation in which electoral democracies are being consolidated while the wider penetration of democracy remains pending. In other words, citizens are able to vote and elect their representatives but there is less protection for other rights that are essential in a democratic system.

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Figure 19 Political and civil rights in Latin America

Source: Prepared by FLACSO-Chile with information from Freedom House.

(c) Corruption exacerbates politico-institutional vulnerability

One of the factors contributing most to the weakness of democratic systems is the persistence of corruption. The concept of corruption refers to the use of public resources for private ends. This use may consist in the personal benefit obtained by officials thanks to their control over certain public resources, or in the benefits an official may receive from private-sector agents in return for favouring them in decisions and/or applications of a public nature. Each year, Transparency International measures how elites perceive the situation with corruption in different countries of the world. Although this indicator mainly highlights the second dimension of corruption, i.e. benefits obtained in the public/private relationship, data for the region are significant. Table 19 shows that only Chile, Costa Rica and Uruguay are 140

perceived as countries where the level of corruption is low or medium. In all the other countries of the region the levels are high. Three elements go to perpetuate high levels of corruption: • Institutional weakness. The first problem is the institutional weakness that hinders states from punishing corruption. Weak systems of supervision within the state have helped to sustain the situation, as have legal systems that lack independence and are highly bureaucratic and inefficient. Numerous reforms are being applied in the region to improve legal systems, but their results will be seen only in the long term. • Inequality. Latin America is the most unequal region in the world, and economic power has historically been highly concentrated. With weak institutions and few control mechanisms, powerful sectors are more likely to be able to exercise influence over public policies and politics in general. • Weak mechanisms of social control. A third factor behind corruption is the weakness of social checks and balances. In a number of Latin American countries, for example, there is a high degree of media concentration, and in certain circumstances this can reduce the opportunities for exercising effective control over public policies.21 Meanwhile, widespread practices of political patronage in some countries of the region creates a complex network of social and institutional dependence that weakens yet further the ability of citizens to respond to abuses (Schedler et al., 1999). Institutional reforms are necessary but not sufficient to put an end to corruption. Besides legal mechanisms to control and punish corruption, it is also necessary: (a) to regulate the relationship between the state, politics and money following criteria of transparency, equality of opportunities and responsibility, and (b) to strengthen the role of civil society in monitoring public policy. 21 In Chile, the media are highly concentrated in a few private sector hands, mainly associated with the opposition. Nonetheless, the press has played an important role in bringing to light cases of corruption in the state machinery.

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Table 19 Perceived corruption index

Source: Prepared by FLACSO-Chile on the basis of Transparency International reports (http://www.transparency.org/).

(d) Crisis of representation

The situation described, combined with the poor performance of political leaders, whether because of corruption or economic and political mismanagement, has sapped citizen confidence in political parties and individuals. The church and television are cited in Latin American surveys as the social actors most trusted by citizens of both genders (Figure 20). Political parties and individuals as social actors are the least trusted by citizens, behind the armed forces and police. The fear inspired by institutions means vulnerability and, in extreme cases, a search for solutions outside the rule of law.

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Figure 20 Level of trust percentages in Latin America

Source: Latinobarómetro (2002). Based on a sample of seventeen countries.

(e) Public perceptions

Latin America is a vulnerable region with problems of governance due to a range of political, economic and social circumstances that are far from being a matter of indifference to citizens. Although efforts have been made by multilateral agencies, governments and civil society to support and promote democracy as a system, this has not commanded the hoped-for support. While most people (56 per cent) support democracy in Latin America, almost a fifth of Latin American citizens support authoritarian governments. Furthermore, indifference about the system of government is tending to increase (Figure 21).

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Figure 21 Latin America: democracy–authoritarianism–indifference

Source: Latinobarómetro (2002). Based on a sample of seventeen countries.

To this should be added the preference of Latin Americans for economic development over democracy. It seems that individual and/or collective economic welfare is more important to them than the rights and freedoms that accompany democratic development (Figure 22). Figure 22 Latin America: democracy vs economic development (2002)

Source: Latinobarómetro (2002). Based on a sample of seventeen countries.

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If we analyse satisfaction with democracy in the Latin American countries, we find that in the South American subregion satisfaction with this system of government is low. In most of the countries the satisfaction index is a mere 15–20 per cent, with Colombia, Argentina and Paraguay being the most extreme cases (Figure 23). Certainly, politicoinstitutional crises can explain this in the cases of Argentina and Paraguay, and the intensification of conflict in the case of Colombia. Figure 23 South America: satisfaction with democracy (2002)

Source: Latinobarómetro (2002). Based on a sample of seventeen countries.

With the exception of Mexico, however, all the countries of North and Central America are more satisfied with democracy (Figure 24). Costa Rica is the paradigmatic case, with the highest approval level, followed by Honduras and Nicaragua.

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Figure 24 North and Central America: satisfaction with democracy (2002)

Source: Latinobarómetro (2002). Based on a sample of seventeen countries.

To sum up, the relationship between human security and democracy ties in at the global level with the theoretical debate about democratic peace. It is observed that democracies have no propensity whatsoever to go to war with countries that have similar systems; this basically holds for systems that are established, both in relation to political and socio-economic aspects. In the case of Latin America, the debate is whether this theoretical framework can be applied when democracies are fragile and all have high levels of inequality in the distribution of income. A reckoning of what has happened in the region over the last decade yields mixed results. On the one hand, great progress has been made with dialogue to resolve differences previously associated with the use of force; on the other, force has actually been used in the region by formally democratic governments. It is clear, though, that the level and, above all, the intensity of conflict were much greater when military regimes were the rule. Placing the individual at the centre of the system changes the parameters used to evaluate the different situations and it becomes clear that the democratic system needs to be consolidated in this part of the world as one of the keys to reducing the level of tension within and between countries. 146

4

International security vulnerabilities (traditional) (a) Inter-state conflicts

It needs to be stressed that one of the highest levels of human insecurity results from inter-state conflicts. In this respect, the low incidence of inter-state conflicts in Latin America throughout the decade, making the region the world’s most peaceful, is cause for celebration. Confrontations and tensions between states tend to be limited and short-lived. By and large, they are triggered by the territorial claims of some state. The most severe conflict during the 1990s was that between Peru and Ecuador in 1995, which resulted in a confrontation between the two countries’ armies. Multilateral intervention helped to reduce tensions between these countries. (b) Unresolved border conflicts

The situation with unresolved border conflicts is contained throughout the region and is not an imminent security concern (Table 20). Historically, territorial claims have been resolved bilaterally or with the assistance of arbitrators. The most sensitive situation is with the territorial claims of certain Central American countries. The characteristics of the internal conflict in Colombia, meanwhile, mean a possibility of guerrilla warfare spreading into areas that are the subject of territorial dispute. Nonetheless, there is no expectation that confrontations will escalate to the point where inter-state conflicts break out in the hemisphere.

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Table 20 Unresolved inter-state conflicts in Latin America

Source: Mares (2000, p. 36), adapted from Rojas Aravena (1997).

(c) Transnational security threats

Drug trafficking and organized crime, including money laundering and terrorism, are transnational threats to people’s security. The nature of these threats means that they need to be considered from a multidimensional perspective, both to understand the type of issues involved and to arrive at appropriate, concerted responses. From the human security point of view, transnational threats have two specific characteristics. First, they lend themselves to a more comprehensive approach to the analysis of the structural factors and conditions that give rise to them. Second, they highlight the need for concerted international, multilateral action to deal with problems of a transnational nature on the basis of common interests and shared values in which democracy and the protection of human rights take pride of place. 148

(i) Drug trafficking: a multilateral problem

Drug trafficking is a problem that affects people’s security in all sorts of ways, including health and personal safety (Figure 25). Drug trafficking has stimulated a range of illegal activities such as arms trafficking and money laundering, all of which has resulted in the creation of criminal structures whose methods tend to be particularly violent and complex. It is also a major source of financing for guerrilla groups and internal conflicts. Drug trafficking is multilateral in nature for two reasons. First, there is the issue of supply and demand. At present, while much of the supply is in the Andean region, the demand is from the United States and Europe. Second, the policies applied in one country have immediate effects on others. Thus, for example, the reduction in coca plantations in Peru and Bolivia in the 1990–95 period generated pressure for a substantial increase in coca production in Colombia from 1995 (Table 21). Likewise, eradication policies do not seem to be having a direct effect in the form of a decline in coca growing (Table 22).

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Table 21 Estimated coca harvest, hectares (1990–2002)

First half. Source: U.S. Department of State, International Narcotics Control Strategy Reports (various years).

a

Table 22 Growth of coca growing (GG) versus growth of eradication (GE) (% growth over previous year)

Source: Prepared by FLACSO-Chile from U.S. Department of State data (various years).

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Figure 25 Geonarcotics: overview

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Source: Ivelaw ‘1997).

(ii) Money laundering

Laundering is a technique used to conceal the fact that money has been illegally acquired. It is the means whereby drug traffickers, terrorists, illegal arms dealers, corrupt officials and so on can conduct and extend their illegal activities. Crime is increasingly international in scope and its financial aspects are becoming more complex because of the rapid advance of technology and the globalization of the financial services industry. According to some international bodies, money laundering involves funds equivalent to between 2 per cent and 5 per cent of world GDP. In Mexico alone the amounts involved are calculated at some US$25 billion (2002). In 2002, the Multilateral Investment Fund (MIF, an autonomous fund administered by the Inter-American Development Bank) approved a donation of US$1.23 million to help eight countries in Latin America to combat money laundering. Resources from MIF will support the efforts of beneficiary countries to create or strengthen Financial Intelligence Units whose task will be to detect and analyse suspicious transactions that could be money-laundering operations. The MIF-backed programme will be implemented by the OAS Inter-American Drug Abuse Control Commission. The beneficiaries will be the anti-money-laundering Financial Intelligence Units of Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Ecuador, Peru, Uruguay and Venezuela. The funds made available will finance technical assistance for the improvement of legal structures and for institutional development, training and communications technology. Money laundering is a major source of vulnerability, particularly because it is associated with illegal activities, helps to strengthen crime networks at the national level, and has a corrosive effect on state institutions, particularly in the legal system.

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(iii) Terrorism: worldwide cooperation to prevent it

Terrorism is a major threat to individuals and to international peace. According to international sources, between 1976 and 1987 there were 7,000 terrorist incidents in the world, leaving a toll of 6,000 dead. That figure changed dramatically on 11 September 2001 with the attacks on New York and Washington, D.C., in which some 3,500 people died (Rojas Aravena, 2003c). More recent data for Latin America and the Caribbean give a figure of 782 incidents between 1990 and 1995. The number of casualties was put at 975. In the same period, the number of international terrorist incidents was 2,558. The Report of the Office of the Coordinator for Counterterrorism of the U.S. Department of State indicates that in 2000 there were 8 per cent more incidents than the year before. There were 423 attacks, of which half were against US targets or citizens. Asia was the region with the largest number of incidents, with 281. There were 73 attacks in Africa, 19 each in the Latin America and Middle East subregions, and 12 in the Eurasia region (Rojas Aravena, 2003c). In Latin America, it is important to note that terrorism has been among regional political priorities. Violence at the service of subversion and counterinsurgency has become a permanent feature, especially in Colombia. In many of these cases, the use of violence takes on terrorist characteristics. Argentina has suffered from two serious attacks, one against the Israeli Embassy and one against a Jewish organization, the Asociación de Entidades Judías. In Peru, one of the most violent manifestations of terrorism, the Shining Path (Sendero Luminoso), was eliminated at a high cost to democracy. Even so, there have been incidents recently, such as the one that occurred a few days after President Bush’s visit to Lima in March 2002. The area where the borders of Argentina, Brazil and Paraguay meet has been marked down as a breeding ground of terrorism. So far, however, there are no specific data to prove that actual incidents originating there have any relationship with what is called global terrorism. 153

The way to prevent terrorism is essentially through international cooperation and action. In the field of international action, for example, new forms of cooperation have been created by exchanging information between intelligence services. The most important measure in the Americas in relation to this issue was the Inter-American Convention against Terrorism, adopted on 3 June 2002. The objective of the Convention is to prevent, punish and eliminate terrorism. For this, the States Parties undertake to adopt a number of specific measures and to strengthen cooperation among themselves. One important aspect is that of terrorist financing measures. The Convention reinforces the institutional architecture and legal framework for the struggle against terrorism in the Americas, and has become the most important of the instruments of coordination established since 11 September 2001. Lastly, it is important to realize that anti-terrorism policies and the instruments devised to deal with this threat have generated an intense international debate on the challenge raised for the protection of human rights and civil liberties. The tracking of funds, information and people can be cited as an example. From the human security perspective it is interesting to analyse this tension between the protection of human rights and the instruments for combating terrorism. (iv) Light arms trafficking: a multilateral problem

The trafficking of light arms may be one of the factors that has contributed most to the increase in social violence in the region. It is estimated that 1,300 people die each day as a result of violence involving firearms. Worldwide, it has been calculated that over 500 million light and small arms are in circulation and that they are still being manufactured on an industrial scale in approximately seventy countries, mainly developed ones, while home-made weapons are widely produced in many others. Unless substantial progress is made in reducing the availability and unwarranted use of small arms, human security will continue to be an elusive goal. 154

The international community has recognized that the illegal trafficking of small and light arms in all its aspects has many facets including, among others, issues of security, conflict prevention and resolution, the prevention of crime, and health and development. Central America is one of the regions where most light arms are in circulation, as over a million and a half legal and illegal weapons are held there. The illegal weapons are the result of Central America’s civil wars and rising crime (Tables 23, 24). Table 23 Legally held firearms in Central America (2000)

Source: Godnick et al. (2002).

Table 24 Estimate of civilian and military weapons in Central America

Source: Godnick et al. (2002).

There is little available in the way of reliable statistics for the South American countries, although a rise in the number of small arms entering Brazil has been observed, as has an increase in production in that country. 155

In Argentina, it is estimated that there are some 14 firearms for every 100 people (Figure 26). This figure is considerably lower than that for other countries such as the United States, but it must be noted that 53 per cent belong to civilians without gun licences. The rise in the illegal possession of small arms by civilians is a critical issue in many Latin American countries. Figure 26 Small arms in Argentina (2001)

Source: GIIS, 2002.

International concertation is indispensable to solve the problem of light arms trafficking, as the world’s main producers and exporters of small arms are China, the Russian Federation and the United States. The latter is the largest supplier of small arms to developing countries, with sales averaging US$7.6 billion a year and over 300 manufacturers. The sales of the Russian Federation amount to about US$3.8 billion a year and those of China to US$970 million. Another ten countries can be classified as intermediate producers: Austria, Belgium, Brazil, France, Germany, Israel, Italy, Spain, Switzerland and the United Kingdom. Brazil is the largest developing-country producer and exports mainly to the US market. 156

The worldwide scope of the problem of illegal small arms manufacturing and trafficking necessitates multilateral measures and a strong emphasis on regional initiatives and institutions to address this problem. The 1997 Inter-American Convention against the Illicit Manufacturing of and Trafficking in Firearms, Ammunition, Explosives, and Other Related Materials, from the Inter-American Drug Abuse Control Commission, and a variety of regional initiatives in Central and South America are useful starting points for progress in resolving this conflict. (v) Colombia: high levels of human insecurity

Colombia presents a highly involved situation combining drug trafficking, guerrilla warfare, arms dealing, environmental devastation, institutional violence, displaced persons and a keen interest on the part of the United States in the drug trade of which it is a destination. It is certainly the country where people’s security is most affected. Figure 27 shows the escalation of violence in the period 1999–2002. The problem of Colombia is unquestionably one of the main security conflicts in the hemisphere, as it is having a destabilizing effect not just on that country but on the whole Andean region, with ramifications throughout the Americas. In relation to the Colombian conflict in general it is true to say that: (a) It is the main internal conflict at the present time owing to its tendency towards militarization, which also has subregional repercussions. (b) It is an essentially multilateral conflict, and resolving it will therefore require concerted action by different countries (including the European Union, the Russian Federation and the United States). (c) It is having repercussions in different areas of the social, economic and political life of the region’s countries, for example in relation to displaced persons, access to and exploitation of natural resources, environmental damage, human rights 157

violations and the effect on economic growth and economic instability, among other factors. Figure 27 Armed actions by guerrillas and security forces, by initiative

5

Internal security vulnerabilities (a) Social violence and crime

As in the area of health, the rise in social violence is a human security problem, as people’s lives are ultimately at stake. According to comparative studies, the Latin American countries display a tendency towards steadily rising criminality and have some of the world’s highest rates of murder and kidnapping (Figures 28, 29).

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This tendency can be explained in part by the rise of organized crime and its strong links with drug trafficking and the activities that derive from this. In Nicaragua, for example, the large number of illegal weapons in circulation and the increase in drug trafficking has resulted in weapons being traded for drugs. Crime is associated with a complex combination of factors, including: • High levels of poverty in the population. • A legal system that does not rehabilitate offenders. • A lack of opportunities for sectors of the population at ‘social risk’, mainly the young poor. • A system of police organization that has traditionally been oriented towards the maintenance of social order rather than towards crime prevention planning. • A lack of resources for urban planning to integrate citizens into a welcoming environment. • Ease of access to arms by criminals. Figure 28 Homicides per 100,000 inhabitants (most recent annual figures 1990–2000)

Source: WHO (2003).

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Figure 29 Urban violence in Latin America: homicide rate per 100,000 inhabitants

Source: IDB, Buvinic and Morrison (2000).

This situation is particularly apparent in Central America, where the rate of violent deaths is high in most countries, the exception being Costa Rica. In Guatemala City and San Salvador, homicide rates are close to 100 for every 100,000 inhabitants. Meanwhile, victim surveys indicate that in most Central American countries over 20 per cent of the population are affected by crime. In this context there has been an upsurge in lynchings, particularly in Guatemalan society (Figure 30). Since 1996 the United Nations Verification Mission in Guatemala has recorded 421 cases with 817 victims, of whom 215 died. As the report of the Verification Mission notes, certain situations that are historical in origin, such as exclusion and the culture of violence 160

inherited from the armed conflict, along with the inadequate response of state authorities, have meant that lynchings continue to go unpunished. The characteristics of these and the failure of the state to act against them have made them a central source of fundamental rights violations and one of the clearest manifestations of the worsening human rights situation. Figure 30 Lynchings in Guatemala (1994–2001)

Source: Mendoza and Torres-Rivas (2003).

Crime has also been increasing in the South American countries, particularly Argentina and Brazil. According to a Nueva Mayoría report (2003), analysis of the period 1991–2002 reveals a systematic increase in the number of criminal acts in Argentina, giving an increase of 166 per cent over a period of eleven and a half years (Figure 31). Whereas 489,290 crimes were committed in the country in 1991, the figure for the first half of 2002 alone was 646,850 (3,574 crimes a day).

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Figure 31 Daily average of reported crime in Argentina (1991–2003)

(*) The 2002 figures are for the first half of that year, while those for 2003 are forecasts based on the ‘average annual growth in the period’. Source: Centro de Estudios Nueva Mayoría, June 2003. www.nuevamayoria.com

Violence also has a profoundly negative impact on development and entails costs of various kinds for society as a whole. At the macroeconomic level, violence reduces foreign and domestic investment, thereby damaging the prospects for longterm growth. At the microeconomic level, it discourages people from investing time and money in education and encourages them to develop criminal skills instead of studying. Health and material losses are estimated at up to 8.4 per cent of national GDP in Colombia and 9 per cent in Venezuela (Figure 32).

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Figure 32 Economic costs of violence in Latin America (as percentage of 1997 GDP)

Source: Buvinic et al. (2002).

(b) Institutionalized violence

Another of the problems found in some of the region’s countries is the degree of violence used by domestic security agencies in their work of overseeing public security. According to the Human Rights Watch World Report 2003, there is police violence in most Latin American countries. Brazil, Colombia and Guatemala are examples of countries where institutionalized violence has been a constant over the last decade. More recently, 163

however, the most violent cases have been seen in Argentina, Bolivia, Colombia, Paraguay and Venezuela. Political instability and social and economic crises are factors common to all these situations. The cases of Venezuela and Argentina are the most significant, being the result of social upheaval, protests and street disturbances. A recent and disturbing event in Venezuela is the appearance in some states of death squads linked to the police. In Argentina, this is combined with police violence against journalists. There are various explanations for these recurring abuses of power by the region’s security forces. However, there are four factors that, taken together, explain this behaviour: • Poor legal control of the security forces. In a number of countries, the civilian authorities face serious legal impediments in seeking to control the internal procedures of the police and punish abuses of power by the security forces. Generally speaking, in Latin America parliamentary institutions have little or no power to supervise the working of police forces. • Weak civilian control of security forces. Because the maintenance of public order is also a government objective, on some occasions the civilian authorities have used the forces of law and order to control social protests. • Poorly paid security forces. The security forces are usually poorly paid, which is an incentive for officers and NCOs to engage in illegal activities. • Lack of human rights education. Another major problem in several of the region’s countries is the lack of human rights programmes for NCOs and refresher mechanisms for higher officers. It is vital to create programmes to train the security forces in negotiated resolution techniques for dealing with social conflicts. To illustrate the scale of the problem, Figure 33 shows a comparison of civilian and police deaths in confrontations in Greater Buenos Aires (Argentina), according to the Centro de Estudios Legales y Sociales (CELS). 164

Figure 33 Civilian and police deaths in confrontations in Greater Buenos Aires

Source: CELS (2001).

6

Environmental vulnerabilities

Much has been made in recent years of the existence of a world environmental crisis. It has also been emphasized that this is a problem of planetary scale whose origins are essentially human and not natural. For example, deforestation resulting from overexploitation of woodland is reducing plant cover, diminishing genetic variety and triggering alluvial erosion and desertification (Figures 34, 35). According to an FAO regional study (2002), net losses of forest totalled 4.28 million hectares in the 1999–2000 period. Of the different subregions, North America (excluding Canada) had a net loss of 0.24 million hectares, Central America of 0.34 million hectares, and South America of 3.71 million hectares. Water shortages are also a serious problem for future development. During the twentieth century, water consumption grew more than twice as fast as population (Figure 36). Four in 165

every ten of the world’s inhabitants live in areas where water is scarce. It is possible that by 2025, no less than two-thirds of the world’s population, or some 5.5 billion people, will be living in countries where there is a serious shortage of water. This context of deforestation and loss of plant species, water shortages and drought is generally intertwined with sociopolitical disasters such as armed conflict and forced migration that exacerbate the degradation, erosion and desertification of soils. The resultant loss of farming land is largely responsible for one of the main threats to people’s security in the region and worldwide: food security. Figure 34 Mexico, Central America and the Caribbean: percentage annual loss of woodland (1990–2000)

Source: FAO–COFLAC (2002).

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Figure 35 South America: percentage annual loss of woodland (1990–2000)

Source: FAO–COFLAC (2002).

Figure 36 Water consumption per capita (m3)

Source: UNEP GEO Data Portal (http://geodata.grid.unep.cl).

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Environmental resources, and fresh water in particular, are a critical part of people’s living requirements. When these resources are threatened by environmental change, so is human security. What needs to be emphasized here is sustainable development.

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Part Eight

Empowerment for human security ‘Illiteracy and innumeracy are forms of insecurity in themselves’ (Commission on Human Security, Human Security Now, 2003)

The relationship between education and human security has been recognized ever since the concept of human security originated, as the section dealing with this concept in the present study shows. As the idea of human security has evolved towards greater inclusion and leadership for individuals, the importance of education and the demands made on it have been increasing. This section offers fourteen proposals for the development of education policies and strategies to further human security. They were formulated with an awareness of what this report has illustrated: this is an emerging issue that serves to bring together national and international policy-making, covers multiple dimensions, and therefore requires interdisciplinary and multicausal approaches if the problems to which the concept relates are to be understood and overcome. The World Conference on Education for All (Jomtien, Thailand, 1990) provides a very good framework for considering education in relation to human security. On the one hand, it treated education as an instrument for empowering people by meeting their basic learning needs with or without institutional support. On the other, it affirmed the commitment of states to helping ensure that basic life skills were acquired, and not just during the years of school.

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To be an instrument of empowerment, education has to be considered from the standpoint of the learning needs that people have if they are to be in a position to acquire life skills, including those relating to human security. 1

An education that brings new individuals and social actors into the construction of a human security culture

Going by the principle that education can be used to build culture and not merely to transmit or reproduce it, we can affirm that education will be required to contribute to the development of the collective awareness of human security that is needed if this is to be realized. The aim of education, by definition, is the realization of people’s potential so that they can play an active part in obtaining what they require for their welfare and the exercise of universally recognized human rights. In the context of human security, the relationship between education and culture is also an emerging one. While culture is the explicit and implicit objective of education, human security culture is still developing and is an area where there is as yet no consensus or clear agreement as to what action is required. On the one hand, human security involves the construction of a civic ethos. On the other, it entails the recognition of everyday social experiences in which the security/insecurity relationship constitutes a field of participation and shared responsibility. Looked at this way, human security education needs to be planned with a view to a cultural construction project that itself requires social actors prepared to take on this task as an aspect of active citizenship.

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2

An education whereby people can learn how to learn to think, act, be and share in reflection and action that bears on human security/insecurity

Considering that the best thing to come out of education is the acquisition of learning capabilities, there is a need to create the conditions for thinking about and acting on the relationship between human security and insecurity, as leading actors in a history of which we are part. The acquisition of knowledge, both theoretical and practical, becomes meaningful when this is able to dynamize our thinking about the daily life of individuals and the way this life is connected with the community, regional, national and international contexts. Reflection, in a context of democratic dialogue, undoubtedly contributes to both the personal and cultural construction of human security. 3

Education that recognizes and encourages both formal learning and non-formal and informal learning is an emerging concept that has not yet been codified into school syllabuses and practices

The idea of learning-centred education, as recommended by the 1990 World Conference on Education for All, brings to light the importance of informal learning for subjects that cannot be codified into a discipline or course, as is the case with human security. On this basis, then, part of the work of education is to enhance people’s learning capabilities, whether formal, nonformal or informal. Thus, enhancing independent learning capabilities in situations connected with the experiences of daily life provides an indispensable field of action for empowering individuals and constructing social actors on a basis of human security. Among formal institutions we recognize school systems where education is carried out by a teaching staff. Non-formal 171

institutions, which also involve educators, include lectures or one-off pedagogic situations. Informal learning mechanisms, conversely, are situations of ‘self-learning’ in which people learn without being taught as a result of daily activities that they undertake not in order to learn but to socialize or enjoy themselves. These activities include reading, observation, conversation, recreation with the media, analysis of their own experiences, family life, etc. This kind of strategic conception of education offers a broader arena of reflection in which people, social actors and culture can develop on the basis of human security. 4

An education that enables people to learn how to build solidarity and social relationships as a way both of understanding human security and of constructing social networks on the basis of an enlarged individual responsibility

Human security probably poses a greater challenge to education in its capacity for learning how to learn to live in society than in other aspects of development and the exercise of human rights. As this study shows, human security directly relates to otherness, to the possibility of creating mutual trust, to relationships of cooperation and solidarity. This being so, there will always be a tension at the heart of learning between the setting of limits for individual responsibility and its relationship with institutional, group and community responsibilities. 5

An education that sets out from a territorial and community strategy for human security

Other parts of this study have shown that human security is experienced in territories forming part of a nation’s political organization. In recognition of this, and to open up opportunities, education for human security should form part of a community strategy where neighbourhood units and the places 172

where people meet and circulate become places of education in which reflection and action underpin the educational process. Schools, all the institutions of the commune, public and private bodies, companies, different organizations and social networks can join forces to promote educational strategies forming part of the effort to construct bonds of mutual protection and community life that improve individual and collective welfare. 6

An education that both constructs culture and imparts the capabilities needed to achieve specific forms of security

The dimensions of people-centred human security have been identified in this study as: (1) economic/financial security (1) economic security (2) occupational security (3) food security (4) health security (5) environmental security (6) personal security (7) gender security (8) community security (8) political security Approached in this way, education for human security includes basic skills such as reading, writing, mathematics and problem-solving, as well as the specific capabilities required for the forms of security referred to above. Thus, basic schooling and occupational training are in themselves instruments of human security.

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7

An education for understanding fears, interpreting the generation of feelings of insecurity, contemplating personal subjectivities and inter-subjectivities and generating spaces of affective behaviour

As stated, human security has objective and subjective dimensions, both of these being dimensions of a reality that is constructed dynamically, day after day, by circumstances internal and external to individuals, whether in isolation or in a community. Thus, an education that fosters the habit of forming small discussion groups to analyse practices and fears can provide the ideal opportunity both to understand fears, shared or otherwise, and to develop affective resources for daily life or situations of crisis. 8

An education that creates partnership networks between people who are experiencing situations of distress, crisis or extreme vulnerability

As a rule, educational efforts have a long-term perspective. This means that educational strategies should be devised for emergencies, for short-lived events, to respond to the need for social crisis training. What is suggested is the adoption of an education that fosters emergency partnerships capable of turning quickly into autonomous, self-regulating forms of organization that combine protection and foresight with learning and individual and group protection. 9

An education for the pacific solution of conflicts or problems in daily life

An education centred on the analysis of issues and episodes of conflict shortly after they have occurred. This analysis may be carried out as a group with the objective of learning to 174

resolve conflicts on the basis of experience and developing forms of group learning and conflict resolution. Mediation can be a useful resource for acquiring a culture of this kind. 10

An education to generate agreements among the communications media for promoting and supporting debates about human security, with responsibility and awareness of the creation of feelings of security and insecurity

An ethic of human security can only be constructed if there is consensus on a specific ethic among the mass media so that human security is adopted as a national cause. Thus, an education based on reflecting on and generating proposals for human security among communicators and the media can act in itself as a form of mass education that promotes and supports debates in the everyday process of reflecting and constructing a collective awareness. 11

An education for human security that ties in with efforts towards human rights education

Education for human security is a branch of experience with human rights education. Along with this, these are forms of education whose objectives and recipients meld together because human security entails the exercise of human rights. 12

An education that gives priority to ideas and action initiated by the young in respect of human security/insecurity

An education that gives priority to the young of both genders is justified by their long-term strategic influence. An education that gives the lead to the young is justified because of the role of education in constructing culture. One way of aiding informal learning among the young is to encourage them to initiate ideas and action in relation to 175

human security as a day-to-day problem for the community and society as a whole. 13

The construction of technology platforms for training personnel working in protection and security areas: territorial learning communities among members of the armed forces and police

Any long-term policy and strategy requires professionals who can promote human security by bringing their experience to bear as a prime source of learning. Technological development now opens up the prospect of these professionals being able to construct learning communities using technology platforms that are coordinated and supplied through the internet. Thus, both the armed forces and the police will be able to follow the education path to increase their efficiency in human security matters by learning as they go, both from their own accumulated experiences and through sharing and collective analysis of the experience of other professionals facing similar problems. 14

Construction of learning communities among academics and teachers in intermediate and higher education, relying heavily on technology platforms so that information, analysis and teaching experiences can be shared and training in human security thus procured

The training and preparation of educators who train educators, and of the educators of new generations of students, need to be addressed on a mass scale, taking advantage of the opportunities opened up by virtual technology. The construction of technology platforms that can be used to create multiple learning communities on the basis of teaching practice offers the prospect of progress both in understanding the diversity of human security-related problems and the effectiveness of measures for training different human groups living in a variety of circumstances. 176

Recommendations

Governments

Political

– Move towards a common conception of global, hemispheric and regional security with a view to improving existing international instruments in this area. In the case of the American continent, it is proposed that an inter-American charter of hemispheric security be drawn up. – Cooperate in conflict resolution. This means consolidating prevention and early warning mechanisms with the support of academic centres in the region. – Bring in transparency and accountability mechanisms for national, regional and hemispheric institutions concerned with security and defence issues. – Move towards more effective coordination of the institutions responsible for security at the national and hemispheric levels. This will avoid duplication and strengthen conflict-prevention mechanisms. – Encourage a regional outlook and strengthen the development of binding instruments in the following fields: transnational crime, migration and small arms trafficking. The nature of these threats requires strong state cooperation. – Involve outside parties in conflict resolution. – Increase efforts to achieve peace and re-establish the rule of law throughout the territory of Colombia, the main focus of conflict in the region. The actions of the United Nations, the different states in the hemisphere and civil society organizations should converge on this objective. 177

Reinforce the rule of law and governance in the region

– Pursue public policies to reinforce social security with the objective of reducing economic insecurities. The preparation of policies to combat extreme poverty should be a priority for the countries of the region. – Improve civilian/military coordination, within the framework of democracy, to cope with the new threats to security. To do this, it is essential to have a clear legal framework in place so that the police do not become militarized or the armed forces acquire police functions. – Increase inter-sectoral coordination of the state, in particular through civil society participation at the national, regional and hemispheric levels. – Recognize the need to intensify international cooperation so that the main vulnerabilities affecting stability, governance and human security in the region can be overcome. Human Security Network

– Set up a permanent working group of civil society organizations and academic centres under the auspices of the Human Security Network with a view to enhancing the work of this partnership of countries. Academia and civil society

Inclusion and participation of civil society

– Strengthen civil society networks involved in promoting human security and, to this end, create opportunities for participation within the institutional framework of the OAS. Likewise, the Human Security Network could set up working groups involving civil society and academia for priority issues on its agenda. 178

– Promote training for NGOs involved with security issues and for grass-roots organizations. It is essential to develop human rights education through formal education syllabuses in primary and secondary schools and in refresher courses for administrators. Knowledge creation and risk evaluation

– Continue to develop the concept of human security with a view to making existing approaches more consistent among themselves, particularly in the case of Latin America. Here, progress in three areas is essential: (a) analysis of the link between security and violence; (b) creation of a human security index; (c) regional observatories in this field. – As regards the identification and evaluation of the main risks and threats, it is essential to decide which are the key areas for strengthening cooperation and to conduct comparative studies on the basis of the lessons learned. – Continue with analytical work on the function of the state, essentially with reference to social protection; economic promotion and sustainability; and protection functions (use of force). UNESCO

– Continue the work of promoting regional programmes of action in relation to human security. It is vital for UNESCO to carry on cooperating with the relevant academic and scientific institutions in Latin America with a view to the progressive establishment of a regional framework of analysis, training and action in the field of human security. – It is suggested that the following activities should be pursued: (a) a regional pilot programme to train members of civil society, academics and government representatives in negotiation and conflict prevention; (b) a regional seminar to 179

analyse exemplary experiences with human security-related projects of national, regional and local scope; (c) support for comparative research into the issue of security, including the various stakeholders concerned.

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Appendices

A brief introduction to the authors

Claudia F. Fuentes is a graduate in communication sciences and journalism from the University of Santiago (Chile). She holds a Master’s degree in international relations from the University of Kent (UK), and a Master’s degree in military sciences with special mention in negotiation and conflict prevention from the War Academy of the Chilean Army. She is a researcher with the International Relations and Strategic Studies Area of the Latin American Faculty of Social Sciences (FLACSOChile) and coordinator of that institution’s Human Security Programme. She is also the holder of the professorial chair ‘Chile y el sistema internacional’ at the School of Political Science of the Universidad Diego Portales in Santiago. Her academic publications include Seguridad humana y seguridad nacional: relación conceptual y práctica (Santiago, ANEPE, 2004). Francisco Rojas Aravena holds a Ph.D. in political sciences from the University of Utrecht (Netherlands) and a Master’s degree in political sciences from FLACSO. He is a specialist in international relations and international security. Director of FLACSO-Chile from 1996 to 2004, he was unanimously appointed Secretary-General of the organization for a four-year term by the General Assembly in Quito (Ecuador) in July 2004. He has lectured at the Santiago campus of the University of Stanford. A member of the editorial board of Diplomacia magazine, of the Academia Diplomática in Chile, and of the board of the Spanish edition of Foreign Affairs, he has written and edited over a dozen books. His latest publication is Latina pos 11 de septiembre (Caracas, Nueva Sociedad, 2003).

193

Final Recommendations

First International Meeting of Directors of Peace Research and Training Institutions on the theme What Agenda for Human Security in the Twenty-first Century?*

1. Human security can be considered today as a paradigm in the making, for ensuring both a better knowledge of the rapidly evolving large-scale risks and threats that can have a major impact on individuals and populations, and a strengthened mobilization of the wide array of actors actually involved in participative policy formulation in the various fields it encompasses today. As such, it is an adequate framework for: • accelerating the transition from past restrictive notions of security, tending to identify it solely with defence issues, to a much more comprehensive multidimensional concept of security, based on the respect for all human rights and democratic principles; • contributing to sustainable development and especially to the eradication of extreme poverty, which is a denial of all human rights; • reinforcing the prevention at the root of the different forms of violence, discrimination, conflict and internal strife that are taking a heavy toll on mainly civilian populations in all regions of the world without exception; • providing a unifying theme for multilateral action to the benefit of the populations most affected by partial and *

UNESCO, Paris, 27-28 November 2000. www.unesco.org/securipax/whatagenda.pdf

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interrelated insecurities. The importance should be underlined of the multilateral initiatives taken in this respect by Canada and Japan as well as by other countries. 2. The ongoing globalization process offers new opportunities for the strengthening of large coalitions working to further human security, at the multilateral and national levels, and in particular at local level involving all actors of society. This in turn requires a much stronger participation of peace research and training institutions, institutes for security studies, non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and other bodies dedicated to the promotion of peace and human security, with a view to enhancing the involvement of civil society in all aspects of policy formulation and implementation of actions aimed at enhancing human security at the local, national, regional and international levels. 3. The promotion of human security today therefore requires an enhanced exchange of best experiences, practices and initiatives in the fields of research, training, mobilization and policy formulation, in which UNESCO can play a major role as a facilitator, forum and amplifier of proactive human security initiatives, in particular in the framework of the UNESCO SecuriPax Forum website launched in September 2000 for that purpose (http://www.unesco.org/securipax). 4. The strengthening of the action of the United Nations and, in particular, of UNESCO in favour of human security is essential today, taking into account the objectives set out in the UN Millennium Summit Declaration and Programme of Action on a Culture of Peace, and the Declaration and Plan for an International Decade for a Culture of Peace and Non-Violence for the Children of the World (2001-2010), proclaimed by the United Nations General Assembly, as well as on the measures being taken to reach internationally agreed development targets, in particular in the fields of poverty eradication; education for all; 196

the preservation of the environment and notably of water resources; and the struggle against AIDS. 5. The compounded impact of a growing number of threats to the security of populations requires the establishment of innovative interdisciplinary approaches geared to the requirements of inducing participative preventive action, involving all social actors. The intimate links that should exist between research projects and policy formulation in the field of prevention must also be stressed from the outset, taking into account the fact that current research on various dimensions of security is still largely dissociated from the existing policy formulation mechanisms, particularly at the national and subregional levels. On the basis of a common agenda for action, the peace research and training institutions, institutes for security studies and the NGOs working in related fields can play an essential role in creating these links, building bridges between the academic world and the policy formulation mechanisms, contributing to the establishment of such mechanisms wherever necessary, identifying priority fields to be tackled and the populations that merit particular and urgent attention. 6. Regional and subregional approaches should be elaborated for the promotion of human security in order to more precisely identify the nature, scope and impact of the risks and threats that can affect populations in the medium and long term. UNESCO should contribute to the elaboration of these regional and subregional approaches, in cooperation with national and regional organizations and institutions and on the basis of the regional round tables (on Africa, the Arab States, Asia and the Pacific, Europe, Latin America and the Caribbean) held during the First International Meeting of Directors of Peace Research and Training Institutions. Urgent attention should be paid to the reinforcement of the struggle against AIDS, especially in subSaharan Africa, which is a real threat to peace and security, as stated by the United Nations Security Council. 197

7. Special attention should be paid to the most highly populated countries, given the fact that in these countries the interrelationship between population growth, diminishing natural resources, environmental degradation and the overall impact of ongoing globalization processes is of great complexity and must consequently be dealt with, in particular in terms of designing local approaches focusing on specific population groups. 8. The development of human resources is a key factor, if not the most important, for ensuring human security. Basic education for all and the building of capacities at the national level must therefore be placed high on the human security agenda. Institutes for peace and human security can play an important role in national capacity building in fields such as the setting up of early-warning mechanisms related to major risks and threats to human security; and high-level training for the elaboration of regional and subregional long-term approaches for ensuring human security and the formulation of preventive action policies. 9. Critical post-conflict issues such as reconciliation processes and mechanisms and the often harsh impact of sanctions on populations merit more in-depth analysis in terms of human security, in the framework of an enhanced respect for international instruments, in particular of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Concerning reconciliation processes and mechanisms, due attention should be paid to the adequate dissemination of best experiences and practices and to the comparative analysis of these experiences and practices, especially of the work of the various truth and justice commissions set up in last two decades in various countries. Concerning the impact of sanctions on populations, note should be taken of ongoing initiatives within the United Nations in order to review the modalities of the imposition of such sanctions and the action of UN Specialized Agencies to alleviate their impact on civilian populations. 198

10. The impact on human security of migrations and of movements of populations displaced due to conflict should be highlighted. Concerning migrations, attention should be paid to countering practices in host countries that discriminate against legal immigrants, and in the case of populations displaced due to conflict, the efforts of the international community should be reinforced, especially when the displacements take on a semipermanent character. 11. Due attention should be paid to countering the impact of negative paradigms (such as ‘clash of civilizations’, ‘African anarchy’, etc.), based on stereotypes and simplistic analyses of the interactions between cultures, societies and civilizations and which aim at fostering new divisions and fractures at the international and regional levels. The principles underlying the notions of cultural diversity, cultural pluralism, tolerance and non-discrimination should be stressed and due attention should be paid to the follow-up to the Plan of Action of the World Conference against Racism and Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance (Durban, South Africa, 2001). 12. The role of the state in the promotion of human security must be addressed on the basis of an exhaustive analysis of challenges in matters relating to human security, both from within to ensure sustainable development, and from the rapidly evolving international processes linked to economic and financial globalization. States should be encouraged to establish ways of enlarging their cooperation with civil society, in particular with those NGOs and institutions that can contribute effectively to policy formulation and collaborative action in the field.

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Some UNESCO publications on Human Security, Peace and Conflict Prevention

Promoting Human Security: Ethical, Normative and Educational Frameworks in the Arab States, UNESCO, 2005 http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0014/001405/140513E.pdf Promover la Seguridad Humana: Marcos Éticos, Normativos y Educacionales en América Latina y el Caribe, UNESCO, 2005 http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0013/001389/138940S.pdf Promoting Human Security: Ethical, Normative and Educational Frameworks in East Asia, UNESCO, 2004 http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0013/001388/138892e.pdf Proceedings of the International Conference on ‘Human Security in East Asia’, UNESCO/Korean National Commission for UNESCO/Ilmin International Relations Institute of Korea University, Seoul, Republic of Korea, 2004 http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0013/001365/136506e.pdf International Conference on Contemporary International Security: Consequences for Human Security in Latin America, Santiago, Chile, August 2003 http://www.flacso.cl/flacso/biblos.php?code=642 Human Security, Conflict Prevention and Peace, Proceedings of the Expert Meeting on ‘Peace, Human Security and Conflict Prevention in Latin America and the Caribbean’, UNESCO-FLACSO-Chile, 2002 http://www.unesco.org/securipax/sflacsoeboletin.pdf In Spanish: http://www.unesco.org/securipax/seguridad_humana.pdf In English: http://www.unesco.org/securipax/seguridad_humana-english.pdf Peace, Human Security and Conflict Prevention in Africa, Proceedings of the UNESCO-ISS Expert Meeting held in Pretoria, South Africa, 23-24 July 2001 http://www.unesco.org/securipax/UNESCO_ISSfinal.pdf What Agenda for Human Security in the Twenty-First Century?, Proceedings of the First International Meeting of Directors of Peace Research and Training Institutions, UNESCO, 2001 http://www.unesco.org/securipax/whatagenda.pdf

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Cooperative Peace in SouthEast Asia, UNESCO/ASEAN, 1999 http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0011/001162/116272e.pdf What Kind of Security? UNESCO, 1998 http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0010/001096/109626eo.pdf Quelle sécurité ? UNESCO, 1997 http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0010/001096/109626f.pdf From Partial Insecurity to Global Security, UNESCO/IHEDN, 1997 http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0011/001106/110639e.pdf Des insécurités partielles à la sécurité globale, UNESCO/IHEDN, 1997 http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0011/001106/110639fo.pdf Website address: http://www.unesco.org/securipax Contact E-mail address: [email protected]

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Promoting Human Security: Ethical, Normative and Educational Frameworks in Latin America and the Caribbean

Promoting Huma Ethical, Nor and Educational in Latin America and