ALLEGHENY COLLEGE POLITICAL SCIENCE 610 FRENCH 610 SENIOR PROJECT

Jenette Sophia Smiddle The Importance of Euskara and its Influence on Basque Nationalism

Department of Political Science and Department of French

Introduction

Deep in the Pyrenees Mountains, around the border dividing France and Spain, a unique and ancient ethnic group resides. Their culture is very traditional and their villages are close knit. Most are farmers, as agriculture is still the predominant industry in this area. These people, commonly known as the Basques, prefer to call themselves Euskaldunk, which literally means “a possessor of the Basque language” (Barbour 18). This demonstrates how strongly linked language is to the Basque existence. This small mountainous region, consisting of about 8,218 square miles, possesses a fierce nationalist pride that often clashes with the Spanish and French states. There are four provinces in Spain, which are called Navarra, Guipuzcoa, Vizcaya, and Alave. The three remaining provinces, Labourd, Bass Navarre, and Soule, are found in France (Barbour 18). In Euskera, “it is the language that defines a Basque” and “as with most everything pertaining to Basques, the provinces are defined by language” (Barbour 18). Each province has its own dialect of the Basque language, though there is now a unified form of Euskera that encompasses aspects of all the dialects. Additionally, each province has a slightly different Basque culture unique to that region. However, despite differences among all seven provinces, the Basques still possess a certain sense of unity, which can be seen around the Basque territory in the common graffiti depicting “4+3=1” (four Spanish provinces plus three French equals one Basque country) (Barbour 18). Overall, the Basque situation is contradictory in structure; each province is different, the French Pays Basque varies from the Spanish Basque Autonomous Community, yet the entire Basque country retains strong bonds of unity and commonality that cannot be broken. People have long been intrigued by the mystery of the Basques and their lifestyle. Some theories of Basque origins link them to the original Iberians, while others believe they are survivors of the mythical Atlantis. Geographer Elisee Reclus wrote in the Revue des Deux Mondes in 1897 that the Basques are “the descendants of a mysterious race of which no other nation on earth can call itself the sister” (Jacob xiii). Whichever the case, it is clear that the Basques have a long established history in the Pyrenees.

Early Roman history describes them as “a warlike people whose resistance to the Roman occupation prevented the complete pacification of Gaul” (Jacob xiii). Additional Roman accounts upon their arrival in the Basque territory in 218 B.C. “give the impression that the Basques were already an ancient-or at least not a newpeople” (Barbour 19). It is also apparent that the Basque language “predates the Indo-European invasion” and is “very likely the oldest living European language” (Barbour 23). Scholars agree that the Basques were responsible for the massacre of Charlemagne‟s army in 778 A.D., which is famously described in “The Song of Roland” (Jacob xiii). Victor Hugo was fascinated by their intense patriotism and national pride, as well as their unique language that was more like a religion to the Basques than a means of communication. Hugo was also convinced that neither France nor Spain would be able to divide the Basques (Jacob xiii). In 1790, the National Assembly of France created the Basses-Pyrenees or Pyrenees Atlantiques department which united three traditional Basque provinces with three additional French provinces. The Basque Representatives at the National Assembly resisted this union by stating explaining that “la difference de langue est une barrière infranchissable. L‟union que vous proposez est physiquement et moralement impossible1 » (qtd in Chaussier 637). As early as the eighteenth century, the Basques were using language as an identity marker and a cause for national independence in France. In 1836, the Basques continued their fight against the department created in 1790, by presenting a “Memoire au Roi2” to obtain the creation of a new department that encompassed only Basque territory (Elorza 10). The French government did not agree to this proposal and the departments remained the same. In 1890, the first general strike occurred in Biscaye (Elorza 10). Later, in June 1893, Sabino d‟Arana published “Bizkaia por su independencia” (Independence for Biscay). Arana soon became the first leader of the original Basque nationalist movement (Elorza 10). After the death of Arana in 1903, the Basque nationalists redefined the organization of the Basque nationalist party, or the PNV (Elorza 10). By 1913, they were publishing a daily newspaper known as Euzkadi (Elorza 10). The presence of a newspaper written in Euskara was both a sign of the language‟s strength in the area, and of the

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“The difference of language is insurmountable. The union that you propose is physically and morally impossible.” Reminder to the King

Basques‟ increased desire to separate themselves from France and Spain. As the nationalist movements gained strength, the Basques began to experience more electoral successes within Spain. Leading up to the world wars, Basque nationalism experienced schisms and divisions within its party. The movement weakened further when Basques joined the French Resistance against the Nazis during World War II. They fought alongside the French in the FFI (Forces Français à l‟Interieur)3 and on their own in small guerilla bands in the Pyrenees (Kurlansky 143). After the war, scientific inquiry delved into solving Basque mystery, focusing particularly on Basque blood typologies. Morton Levine, a physical anthropologist of the American Museum of Natural History teamed up with colleagues in 1974 to study the blood types of Basques in the remote French village of Macaye. Their hemotypological research “found that the Basques showed no similarities in culture, language, or blood typologies to any other known population” (Jacob xiv). Their blood has the highest percentage of incidence of the Eh-negative factor (Jacob xiv). This anomaly links them to populations in Africa and parts of Asia, which formerly had the highest percentage of incidences of Rh-negative (Jacob xiv). Studies conducted since Levine‟s study have confirmed the results that the Basques “were descendants of the original European population from which the Rh negative factor in current European population was derived” (Jacob xiv). Beyond the mystery of the origins of the Basques, their ability to maintain their distinctiveness of their languages and traditions for centuries is also fascinating. This feat is “all the more remarkable given the chronicle of nearly two thousand years of invasions, consolidation of states, royal domination, and pressures of cultural assimilation” (Jacob xiv). Their history “suggest the staying power and adaptability of a once-prehistoric and now modern people, who over millennia retreated behind the defensive barriers of their mountainous Pyrenean reaches and their impenetrable tongue” (Jacob xiv). Now, with the renaissance of Basque culture beginning in the 70s and continuing to present day, the force of the Basques nationalism is stronger than ever (Jacob xv). Around seven hundred books are published in the Basque native tongue each year, which is a lot for a language spoken by 800,000 people in the world (Jacob xv).

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French Forces of the Interior

Though the language is gaining a stronger hold than ever, Euskara is still threatened by several forces. In Spain, the language is still recovering from the oppressive years of Franco‟s reign. In France, “the problem confronting the survival of the Basque language…has been that those areas with the greatest concentration of Basque speakers are also the areas where the extent of depopulation has been the greatest” (Jacob xvi). These trends of depopulation have only grown worse after World War II, prompting the French Basques to engage in an even stronger campaign for Basque nationalism against the French government. This thesis will focus on the interaction between the Basques, the French State and the Spanish government, primarily since World War II to the present time. Chapter 1 will focus on the state of Basque lifestyle, culture, and language, and some important differences between the Spanish Basques and the French Basques. Chapter 2 will examine significant language policies that have affected the Basque language. Both governments have placed different regulations and laws on the language, which has altered both the French and Spanish Basque cultures. Furthermore, the Basque language is currently undergoing a revival, evidence of which can be found in “government-mandated education, government-sponsored organizations, employment requirements, and pop culture (Barbour). This revitalization is linked to the increasing role of language in nationalist ideology, as well as the increase in the strength of Basque nationalism. The utilization of their unique language provides a strong link and common identity for the Basques and augments national pride. Furthermore, it is evident that the differences in Basque politics and culture in France and Spain has been greatly influenced by the different historical and political conditions each group has experienced. Chapter 3 will explore the various basque nationalist movements that are related to language. Though Basques on both sides of the border are fighting for the protection of their language, their efforts have differed greatly over the years. The Basque question is a complicated and disorganized one. Some Basques interpret it to be the quest for complete independence. Others see it as simply the preservation of the Basque language. And still others believe the Basque question is an ancient and obsolete idea that is dissipating in the modern world. What is clear is that their isolated language is strongly linked to their intense nationalism. Throughout history, as Basques continued to identify themselves as Basque instead of French or Spanish, laws were developed to oppose the usage of Euskara.

This opposition to the language threatened its survival and spurred a fierce Basque nationalism that has become a prominent and long-standing resistance force in Europe.

Chapter 1 - Le pays et le peuple basque4 “Le territoire parle et respire d’une manière qui n’est vraiment identifiable que par ceux auxquels il a un jour donné un lieu de naissance, une étymologie, une langue » (Chaussier 25).

Le pays basque est « habité par „le fantasme de la communauté perdue‟ » (Chaussier 25). Ca veut dire que les peuples basques s‟identifient comme basques mais légalement, ils sont français ou espagnols. Leur territoire n‟est vraiment pas le territoire basque, c‟est une partie du sud de France ou une région autonome d‟Espagne. Ils ont un gouvernement, mais c‟est inofficiel et le pays basque est gouverné par le gouvernement de France ou le gouvernement d‟Espagne. Malgré tout, ils sont toujours capables à maintenir leur culture et leur langue. Il y a sept provinces basques ; trois en France (collectivement nommé « Iparralde ») et quatre en Espagne (« Hegoalde »). L‟état-nation entier est nommé « Euskal Herria, » qui veut dire étymologiquement « la nation qui parle basque. » Alors, toute l‟identité des Basques est enveloppée dans la langue. Euskera, la langue basque est le plus important lien entre les Basques en France et en Espagne. D‟après quelques Basques, la frontière entre Espagne et France est inexistante. Ils croient qu‟Euskal Herria n‟est pas une partie d‟Espagne ou une partie de France. Ils

croient que c‟est tout le pays basque, et le mouvement nationaliste basque travaille faire cette croyance une réalité. Leur slogan est « Zazpiak bat » c‟est à dire « les sept sont un » (Jacob, xv). La géographie du territoire basque permet aux basques une forme de sécurité. Ils sont encerclés par les montagnes Pyrénées. Leurs villages sont protégés par les montagnes et ils peuvent se protéger eux-mêmes facilement des ennemis. Ils étaient capables de se défendre chaque fois que leur territoire était attaqué dans l‟histoire. Alors, ils gardaient leur langue et leur culture et évitaient l‟assimilation avec les cultures d‟autres peuples en France et en Espagne. Malgré l‟image d‟unité, il y a les différences indéniables entre le coté français et le coté espagnol. Ce qui est intéressent est les différences entre le pays basque en Espagne, et le pays basque en France. On peut voir que la résistance basque est plus forte en Espagne. L‟ETA est plus actif la et la violence est concentrée sur les Espagnols. En fait, il semble que la présence de la culture est plus forte en Espagne aussi. Cependant, d‟après les études des Basques, il est évident que la langue est plus forte en France. Euskara est plus connu dans les provinces françaises. Il y a plus de personnes en France qui parlent Euskara, qui sont bilingues. Aussi, il y a une plus grande population des Français-Basques qui ont appris Euskara comme une première langue. La plupart des Espagnols-Basques ont appris l‟espagnol avant Euskara. Mais, ce n‟est pas tout. Bien qu‟il y ait plus de personnes qui parlent basque en France, d‟autres études montrent que la langue est plus utilisée en public en Espagne, et pas en France. Alors, il y a plus des personnes qui parlent Euskara en France, mais la langue et la violence sont plus publiques en Espagne. Les Espagnoles-Basques disent qu‟ils utilisent Euskara plus souvent aux magasins, a la banque, au travail, et avec amis. La situation pour les Basques en France est très différente de la situation des basques en Espagne. Chaque pays a une histoire unique et un gouvernement différent. Les différences entre les deux pays sont la cause des différences entre les provinces basques espagnoles et les provinces basques française. Il y a plus des différences entre le pays basque de France et le pays basque d‟Espagne car France est un état centriste et Espagne est un état fédéral. La culture politique des deux régions est très différente aussi. Par exemple, la nationalisation du pays basque en France est très ancienne et paisible. Cette type de nationalisation marche « d‟au-dessus, » ca veut dire que les Basques Français travaillent pour changer les lois avec des pourparlers avec

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For English summary, see Appendix A

l‟état. Aussi, la majorité des Basques sont d‟accord avec les politiques françaises, et moins avec les politiques « basques. » Par contre, les basques espagnols ne sont pas d‟accord avec les politiques d‟Espagne. Ils ne peuvent pas intégrer les politiques basques avec les politiques espagnoles parce que la culture basque et les sentiments basques sont plus isolés pour avoir une incidence sur la majorité d‟Espagne. Les basques espagnols sont plus « jeunes » dans un sens et leurs efforts manquent de traditions et de compromis. Les Basques Français ont plus des années de la paix et coopération avec la France. Les relations entre les Basques Français et les Français sont plus agréables, avec moins de conflit que les relations entre les Espagnols et les Basques Espagnols. (Beck 385) Au Pays Basque de France, on peut voir la culture basque si on essaie de la trouver. Ce n‟est pas aussi clair ou évident que la culture basque en Espagne, avec tous les festivals, la nourriture, les chansons, et les salutations entendues dans la rue. Cependant, le pays basque de France est, d‟après un homme basque, plus « folklorique. » Quand on parle aux peuple du Pays Basque en France, beaucoup des gens disent qu‟ils sont plus basques que français, ou ils annoncent que leurs enfants étudie la langue basque a l‟école pour la moitie de chaque jour. Quelques enfants annoncent la visite des touristes avec les mots basques « Gascons, gascons ! » En plus, un autre basque explique « “We are only accidentally French.” En fait, la culture basque est plus évident dans les petits villages, et souvent c‟est assez fort que la culture basque en Espagne. On doit seulement savoir ou à chercher. (New York Times). Mais, l‟idée que la culture basque en France est “folklorique” est vraie. Les relations entre la France et le pays basque de la France sont plus anciennes et compromettent que les relations violentes inspirant par les jeunes passionnés qu‟on trouve en Espagne. Les Basques en France parlent français, mais c‟est traditionnel d‟apprendre aussi la langue basque, qui est considérée la langue de ses grands-parents et des ancêtres. Ils croient que il est impoli et déshonorant de ne parler pas la langue basque. Les Basques en France croient que c‟est nécessaire de protéger et continuer l‟héritage de la langue basque.

(New York Times)

Pourquoi il y une différence entre les provinces espagnols et les provinces français? Quelle est la raison politique pour ces différences aux cotes de la frontière? Une explication logique est les règles qui concernent la langue basque. Chaque pays a les lois différentes qui ont une incidence sur la langue basque, et les autres langues régionales. La nationalisation de la langue française interdit les autres langues régionales. C‟était complètement

interdit de parler Euskara au pays basque en France. Cependant, la langue survécu, malgré la tentative d‟éliminer la langue.

Euskara : Une description de la langue « La langue parle et fait parler la conscience d’être peuple » (Chaussier)

Euskera est une langue qui est très ancienne. Il y a la preuve linguistique que la langue a les origines paléolithiques (beaucoup de mots ont les racines des mots comme « pierre » ou « couteau » ou « pointe de flèche ») (Jacob, xiv) En plus, Euskera est la seule langue qui n‟est pas indo-européen qui est native à Europe (Jacob, xiv). Il est étonnant que la langue basque soit toujours très pure et unique après tous les siècles. Le territoire basque avait être envahi par les Romains, les Gaulois, les Celtes, les Visigoths, les Francs, les Huns and les Moors (Jacob, xiv). Cependant, ils n‟étaient pas adaptés aux autres cultures, ils avaient maintenu leur langue et traditions sans problème pour les siècles. Les Romains avaient la plus grande influence sur les basques, qui adoptait quelques mots latins, mais cette influence n‟était pas très grande. Aussi, les Basques a adopté le Catholicisme des Romains, et ils devenaient les catholiques très pieux. Les Romains habitaient en paix avec les Basques parce qu‟ils n‟essayaient pas changer leur traditions, leur langue, ou leur vie. Ils n‟avaient pas essayé de conquérir les Basques, plutôt ils apprenaient à habiter paisiblement avec les Basques. Les autres peuples qui ont essayé à conquérir les Basques ont échoué chaque fois, et les Basques n‟étaient pas changés (Kurlansky). Cette langue ancienne est le lien qui joint les basques et soutient leur communauté unie. Aussi, l‟exclusivisme des Basques est à cause de la langue pure. C‟est aussi une cause directe du très fort nationalisme basque. Les sociétés qui ont les cultures très pures et pas de hybride sont particulièrement fortes et agressives. Pendant les années de Franco, les Espagnols-Basques parlaient Euskera à la maison, mais quand ils étaient en public, ils parlaient l‟espagnol parce que ce n‟était pas en sécurité à parler Euskara. Les profs basques étaient renvoyés s‟ils enseignaient Euskera. En plus, les étudiants qu‟on entendait parler basque étaient punis. A cette époque, seulement les profs qui étaient « pro-Franco » pouvaient enseigner en Espagne. Par conséquent, les étudiants dans les années soixante n‟apprenaient pas Euskera à l‟école comme beaucoup des étudiants aujourd‟hui.

(Kurlansky 245). C‟est évident dans la culture maintenant quand plusieurs des jeunes basques parlent la langue basque et quelquefois ils enseignent leurs parents, les parents qui n‟ont pas eu la chance d‟apprendre quand ils étaient petits (Kurlansky 248). Dans les histoires des basques, les leaders nationalistes étaient toujours concernés avec la langue, comme sa préservation et sa pureté. Sabino de Arana, le fondateur du nationalisme basque moderne en 1894, a utilisé Euskera pour diviser les Basques des Français ou des espagnols et pour développer une frontière. Il savait que la langue était en danger : « Euskera is fading away. We must acknowledge this fact as an undeniable reality of which everybody is aware” (Conversi 193). Il est difficile de déterminer combien de gens parlent la langue basque. L‟état français ne permet pas les sondages ou le recensement pour demander les questions d‟une connaissance d‟une langue étrangère ou régionale. C‟est interdit parce qu‟ils le considèrent une question raciste. Cependant, la fuite des langues étrangères et régionales montre précisément ce que les Français pensent des autres langues en France ; ils veulent faire semblant qu‟elles n‟existent pas. Le peuple français semble d‟avoir les sentiments varie sur le sujet du déclin de la langue basque. Une moitié du peuple croit que la langue est parlée plus souvent aujourd‟hui que dans le passé récent. Mais, l‟autre moitié croit que la langue est en danger d‟une extinction. Un sondage récent montre que la plupart des enfants du 74% de parents « Euskaldunak » (Basque-speaking) en le pays basque français ont appris Euskera avant d‟apprendre le français (Eustat). Avec la Catholicisme, les basques généralement préfèrent l‟utilisation de la langue basque en France et en Espagne. Les sondages montrent que 70 a 90 percent du clergé peut parler Euskera et environ 50 percent des services religieuse dans le Pays Basque utilisent Euskera (Eustat). En plus, la religion en général est très importante à la plupart des basques en France. La langue est très importante dans les mouvements ethno régionalistes parce que c‟est un symbole visible de la nation. On peut voir facilement qu‟une région est unique et unie si tout le monde parle la même langue. Puis, dans une région qui a une langue unique qui est menacée par l‟extinction, les gens ethniques sont plus motivés de protéger leur région, leur nationalité, et leur culture. Une langue menacée peut motiver les sentiments nationalistes.

En plus, une langue faible peut créer une culture faible aussi. Sans langue, il n‟y a pas un symbole clair nationaliste d‟une région, et il y a les mouvements nationalistes ambigus. Le type de nationalisme en France est le nationalisme linguistique. Ca veut dire que le nationalisme est fondé sur une langue, une race, ou une religion qui est exclusive. C‟est le cas du pays basque de France. Aussi, ce type de nationalisme est plus souvent capable de négocier avec le centre de l‟état. C‟est peut-être une explication pour le rapport plus paisible entre les basques et les français (Conversi 189). En Espagne, la langue est déjà officiel, alors le type de nationalisme est moins linguistique et plus focalisé sur l‟indépendance complète. Cependant, avant les Espagnols-Basques ont l‟autonomie, leur nationalisme était fondé sur la protection de la langue basque aussi. Les Basques expriment leur désir pour nationalisme par la langue basque. C‟est important pour la survie d‟une langue d‟être enseigne et considéré official. Depuis 1919, la langue basque unie (Euskera Batua) avait été une façon de mouvement progressif, d‟après les activistes de la langue. En Espagne, c‟est une langue régionale officielle depuis 1982 (Perez-Agote 37). Cependant, en France, il n‟y a pas une langue officielle, sauf le français. Cette différence suggère pourquoi la lutte pour l‟indépendance d‟Euskadi est plus violente en Espagne. Puisque la langue est déjà officielle, les Basques en Espagne doivent lutter pour l‟indépendance complet. Cette mission est plus violente puisqu‟ils veulent renoncer la a constitution espagnole, ce qui serait un menace a l‟état espagnol. La langue est aussi importante à la culture. On utilise la langue basque de plusieurs façons pour répandre la culture basque. Les medias au pays basque souvent utilisent la langue Basque. Il y a trois journaux qui sont écrits en Euskera que les gens peuvent acheter. Ils ont « Argia, » « Herria, » et « Egunkaria. » Plusieurs journaux qui sont plus grands écrivent quelques articles en Euskera aussi. Radio France-Pays Basque passe une heure chaque jour parle en Euskera pendant la semaine. Aussi, il y a trois stations de radio privées qui parlent seulement dans la langue basque. Quelquefois, l‟émission France 3-Euskal Herria, ont les programmes dans la langue Basque (Institut de Sociolingüística Catalana). Puisque la langue est si importante, il y plusieurs organisations basque qui travaillent protéger Euskera. Par exemple, l‟Académie Royal de la Langue Basque (Euskalzaindia) est une organisation qui essaye joindre les linguistes experts basques pour faire les décisions sur la langue basque et protéger l‟histoire de la langue. Plusieurs

des organisations linguistiques sont nationalistes aussi. Beaucoup des membres de l‟Euskalzaindia sont aussi les activistes politiques pour l‟état-nation basque. L‟Academie Basque a crée une langue commune, qui est appelée Batua, dans les années soixante. Ils ont travaille pour trouver le plus pur et commun de la langue basque, qui sont souvent la version Guipúzcoa. Aussi, ils ont rejeté les mots qui étaient plus anciens. Malgré c‟était interdit de parler la langue Basque à cette époque, les Basques se réunissaient dans les réunions secrètes culturelles. Cette réunions étaient comme une forme de lutte anticoloniale, motivé par Che Guevara, avaient lieu sur le campus d‟Université du Pays Basque. Les écrivains doués ont appris écrire en Euskera pour la première fois. C‟était une révolution littéraire basque. Le mouvement basque, Enbata dit dans leur constitution que les basques doivent protéger la langue surtout les autres choses. Le première partie de la revue Enbata présente trois points importants, « dont la langue, précisément, est le premier : 1. La défense de la langue basque exige une certaine autonomie administrative pour les basques, avec un Conseils General et son propre budget, son Ecole Normale » (Chaussier 39). L‟importance de la langue basque à leur culture est très évidente puisque les demandes pour l‟autonomie toujours incluent premièrement la recognition officielle de la langue basque. En général, une langue unifiée n‟est pas quelque chose qui est facile à créer. En particulièr, c‟est très difficile en Europe ou il y a beaucoup des minorités ethniques dans presque chaque état. On peut comprendre que « a unified language is taken for granted in countries that only have one language » (Schieffelin et al. 198). Mais les effets d‟une langue universel sont très désirable; une langue commune unit le peuple et « it assumes the character of a clear identity marker » (Scieffelin et al. 192). Les groupes culturels basques proposent « un Statut pour la langue » et « une Charte Culturelle » (Chaussier 59). Les deux groups luttent contre l‟Etat pour un examen de Euskera pour présenter les étudiants qui le réussiront avec un diplôme garantissant la connaissance de l‟Euskara » (Chaussier, 59). Ca c‟est juste une autre façon de protéger la langue basque. Il y a aussi l‟Association pour un Nouveau Département basque. Ces groups font la promotion de « Basquitude, » qui est la promotion systématique de la culture basque, et bascophone (Chaussier 60). C‟est intéressant « comment la langue basque, qui représentes l‟essence du projet culturel, est désormais utilise en

tant que vecteur et justification d‟un changement social et idéologique » (Chaussier 61). « La langue parle et fait parler la conscience d‟être peuple »

L’importance d’une langue francais « Langue de la République en vertu de la Constitution, la langue française est un élément fondamental de la personnalité et du patrimoine de la France. Elle est la langue de l'enseignement, du travail, des échanges et des services publics. Elle est le lien privilégié des Etats constituant la communauté de la francophonie. » Ministere de la Culture et de la Francophonie : Loi #94-665

L‟importance de la langue française a l‟état a commence après la Révolution Française en 1789. Les Jacobins ont cru que l‟éducation sera la plus importante institution du nouvel état. Puis, ils ont décide d‟établir une langue commune et officielle pour protéger le peuple contre l‟inégalité. (Barbour 73). Ils ont choisi la langue française parce que c‟était la langue d‟élite. Une langue commune était aussi importante pour la communication. Les langues régionales sont devenues les patois et un symbole du féodalisme. Dans cette façon, la langue française est devenue un symbole national, « une et indivisible » et toutes les autres langues étaient effectivement interdites. Aujourd‟hui, la puissance du français est menace par les lois de l‟Union Européen et la domination mondiale anglaise. Le français est une la langue internationale importante ; cependant, l‟anglais devient plus et plus important aussi. Aussi, l‟Union Europeen demande la protection et la reconnaissance des langues régionales et les langues minorités. C‟est la première fois depuis la Révolution Française que la domination légale du français est conteste. (Barbour 44.) A cause de ces menaces, la constitution française était change en 1992 a « la langue de la République est le français. » Avant, « le français » n‟était pas compris. C‟est probable que la France devra changer ses politiques linguistiques protectionnistes à cause de la pression des régions comme la basque et l‟EU. En France, « l‟histoire régionale est très fortement liée à son territoire national » (Hernandez 41). Le centre administrateur est touche par les « situations politiques, culturelles ou sociales des provinces hexagonales » (Hernandez 41). Il est aussi clair que « the French version of homogeneism stresses the importance of territoriality. The emphasis has clear historical roots” (198 Schieffelin et al.). Evidemment, la France veut être « une et

indivisible » et l‟état préfère l‟homogénéisation française aux « fortes identités culturelles » dans la périphérie. Le Pays Basque français est une partie du département des Pyrénées Atlantiques, alors c‟est « incorpore administrativement, politiquement, et culturellement a l‟ensemble du territoire national français depuis plus de deux siècles. Les maires du Pays Basque français veulent la création d‟un département Pays basque, cependant, cette idée et une menace contre « l‟idéal républicain de l‟unité territoriale de la France » (Hernandez 43). L‟homogénéisation culturelle est « l‟uniformisation culturelle de la population passant, notamment, par l‟usage d‟une langue commune, par un enseignement identique pour tous » (Hernandez 49). L‟existence de la langue basque est un menace a l‟unification de l‟état-Nation de France. L‟Abbe Grégoire, devant l‟Assemblée a dit : « On peut uniformiser le langage d‟une grand nation, de manière que tous les citoyens qui la composent puissent sans obstacle se communiquer leurs pensées. Cette entreprise que ne fut pleinement exécutée chez aucun peuple, est digne du peuple français, qui centralise toutes les branches de l‟organisation sociale et qui doit être jaloux de consacrer au plus tôt, dans une République une et indivisible, l‟usage unique de la langue de la liberté » (Hernandez 50). L‟Assemblée a décidé d‟uniformiser la langue française. Apres ca, la langue française est devenu valorise, et les gens qui pouvaient le parler étaient dans une hiérarchie sociale plus haute. Les « langues vernaculaires et les patois étaient dévalorisés. Les écoles républicaines jouent « son rôle dans la conquête des mentalités et la construction de l‟identité national française » (Hernandez 51). Les écoles étaient utilise pour créer le sentiment nationaliste parmi tous les peuples en France, et aussi, ils enseignaient le français a tous. Aussi, l‟armée française a travaille pour l‟homogénéisation culturelle dans la périphérie, comme le pays basque. Dans l‟armée, les basques étaient sujets au nationalisme français. La mémoire de la révolution est très importante à l‟état-nation aujourd‟hui. Les sentiments révolutionnaires peuvent « être le premier facteur explicatif de la marginalisation en France des partis nationalistes périphériques » (Hernandez 44). Au cause de ces sentiments, la France est très protectrice de l‟unification de la langue et le pays. Aussi, il y a un « fundamental paradox of nationalism: though grounded in the observation of « existing differences, » once a separate entity has been defined, nationalism is unable to recognize the legtimacy of any

smaller-scale group identities» (198 Schieffelin et al.). En plus, la France ne peut pas identifier l‟existence des langues ethnique ou le patois parce que “a specific language is predictive of a distinct history and culture. Thus, the absence of the feature „distinct language‟ tends to cast doubts on the legitmacy of claims to nationhood. » (Schieffelin et al 192). La France ne veut pas risquer la légitimité de l‟état-Nation juste pour donner recognition aux langues régionales. Au cause du manque de reconnaissance national des régions ethniques, il y a beaucoup de résistance contre les territoires ethniques et périphériques dans le Centre. Aussi, les Basques en France sont inspirés par les expériences et idéologies des nationalistes basques dans la communauté autonome du Pays Basque en Espagne (Hernandez 44).

Les Basques Uniques

Le Pays Basque septentrional a une très ancienne culture et c‟est une société très traditionnelle. Aussi, le pays basque est rural avec beaucoup d‟agriculture. Cette type de société peut être très faible, alors, dans le cas des basques français, ils doivent relie sur l‟économie de France. Malgré leur langue commune, ce serait difficile pour les basques d‟habiter d‟un pays a part, alors, les « conditions économiques ont cantonne le Pays basque à répondre aux volontés capitalistiques du Centre » (Hernandez 73). Cependant, les Basques participent dans une vie politique basque même s‟ils étaient un pays indépendant. La culture politique locale « leur permet ainsi d‟asseoir leur autorité et de maintenir la population sous leur pouvoir » (Hernandez 73). Cette vie a les perceptions de la réalité et ca marche pour garder leur culture unique et leur « communauté des sentiments » (Hernandez 74). Après beaucoup des échecs du mouvement nationaliste basques dans les élections, les Basques peuvent essayer une autre façon du nationalisme. Ils pensent qu‟un « travail culturel peut, dans un processus historique a long terme, répondre à des objectifs politiques » (Hernandez 44). Cette idée est inspirée et « encouragée par les basques-espagnols » (Hernandez 44), et depuis 1986, ce s‟est concentre plus particulièrement sur la vie politique nationale française, par le travail des partis politiques abertzale (patriotique)» (Hernandez 45). Cette tache inclut la diffusion de la langue et les mouvements linguistiques. La langue est le plus important aspect de la culture, et on ne

peut pas avoir un mouvement nationaliste réussi sans une langue commune. C‟est la raison pour laquelle la langue basque est essential au nationalisme basque. Les basques essayent de maintenir leur société basque traditionnelle de plusieurs façons. Ils luttent contre la nationalisation d‟état-Nation quand c‟est possible. Un de ces façons met l‟accent sur l‟école basque. À cause de la géographie isolée du pays basque, les églises basques sont capables d‟éviter l‟intervention de l‟Etat et d‟enseigner la langue basque dans les cours à l‟école. Aussi, c‟était plus facile pour les basques dans les régions très rurales pour éviter l‟enseignement de français dans les écoles nationales. Pour ces familles, il était nécessaire que les enfants restant à la maison ou dans les champs pour aider avec le travail. En plus, les écoles rurales souvent résistent aux lois des écoles républicaines de l‟Etat-nation. Avec les deux situations, les basques pouvaient garder leur langue malgré les efforts de l‟Etat et le Centre. Un autre rôle de l‟école au pays basque français est de préserver les anciennes traditions basques. Les écoles catholiques utilisent l‟éducation des jeunes Basques pour protéger la société. Les écoles créent un groupe des basques élites qui garantiront de la tradition. Sur le sujet de cette type d‟école, on dit « Le séminaire est aussi un collège qui instruit et éduque les fils de l‟aristocratie et ceux des propriétaires terrien aisés. Planté au sommet d‟une colline, l‟établissement est protégé contre la pénétration des idées nouvelles » (Hernandez 82). Les étudiants de l‟école deviendront notaires, médecins ou avocats qui occuperont la majeure partie des postes à responsabilité dans la vie civile locale » (Hernandez 83). Les Basques ne sont pas simplement un group ethnique minoritaire. Ils ont un peuple qui avait survécu siècles d‟invasions sans assimilation. Personne ne peut conquérir les basques complètement. Ni la France, ni l‟Espagne pouvait diviser ou conquérir les Basques, même après les années terribles de Franco. Les majorités des basques sont officiellement espagnols, et le reste est officiellement français. Cependant, ils ont vraiment basques, les titres « français » ou « espagnol » sont secondaire. Une citation célèbre de Victor Hugo explique les Basques et les liens forts qui les joignent : « J'ajoute qu'ici un lien secret et profond et que rien n'a pu rompre unit, même en dépit des Pyrénées, ces frontières naturelles, tous les membres de la mystérieuse famille basque. Le vieux mot Navarre n'est pas un mot. On naît basque, on parle basque, on vit basque et l'on meurt basque. La langue basque est une patrie,

j'ai presque dit une religion. Dites un mot basque à un montagnard dans la montagne; avant ce mot, vous étiez à peine un homme pour lui; ce mot prononcé, vous voilà son frère. La langue espagnole est ici une étrangère comme la langue française. » (qtd in Jacob). Ces liens forts sont aussi évidents dans les histoires des basques qui avaient démangé à un autre pays. Il y a beaucoup des basques, par exemple, qui habitent en montagnes de Nevada aux Etats-Unis. Ils habitent d‟un pays étranger mais ils restent dans un groupe et ils maintiennent leur culture individuelle. Les Basques sont vraiment basques pour toute leur vie.

Chapter 2 - The Policies Regarding the Basque Language

French Policies Concerning the Basques and Euskara

Language is a clear identity marker for a group of people. It allows a certain group to communicate effectively and develop a sense of commonality. A common language gives its speakers a sense of freedom, the

freedom to express themselves and communicate creatively (Salhi 4). Therefore, the importance of language is apparent: “Once written down and learned by people already sharing a common homeland, kinship, ethnic background, or religion, language becomes a powerful means of self-representation and a symbol of national consciousness” (Salhi 4). However, the difficulty with language arises when it is mixed with politics and “clear concepts suddenly give way to difficult choices. The self-evident forms and meanings of language give way to political conflict and cultural antagonism” (Salhi 4). While the commanding government strives to maintain control, the national identities of minority languages fight for the rights and freedoms of their region. In France, “the French language is perceived as the symbol of French identity” and to “protect the language is to protect French interests” (Salhi 11). The French term “La francophonie” refers to “nations, provinces, regions, and communities where French is spoken” (Salhi 2). Both the Fourth and Fifth Republic of France worked to promote this idea of francophonie and the importance of a pure French language. During the Fifth Republic, a fourth attribute of the French nation was added to the Constitution. The three original attributes were the national emblem, the national anthem, and the national motto (Salhi 12). Later, the national language was added with the line, “La langue de la Republique est le francais5” (Salhi 12). Prior to World War II, “when there were fewer roads and cars, local radio rather than state-wide television was in operation, and income and education levels were much lower than today” (Jalali 595), Basque culture “appeared safe from French encroachment” (Jalali 595). As a result of modern communication technology, “ethnonational uniqueness has been reinforced rather than dissipated” (Jalali 595). This has occurred because more public forms of communication, such as the internet, have allowed the Basques to connect and communicate more easily. Whereas before it would have been very difficult to transmit Basque messages via television or radio, it is not remarkably simple to create websites to unite and connect with other Basques. This has made ethnic groups a more prominent political issue that France is being forced to face, both by the ethnic minorities themselves, as well as international institutions (the European Union or the United Nations) that are currently working to protect minorities.

5

The language of the Republic is French.

French officials also work to promote the national language in France. The Projet Culturel Extérieur de la France “highlighted the continuity of linguistic policy a quarter of a century after their inception of the Fifth Republic” (Salhi 13). Charles de Gaulle saw language as a means to restore the global status and influence of France after the devastation of World War II (Salhi 13). With the rise of America, and the English language along with it, the French language‟s dominance in the international community is threatened. Therefore, the need arises for a greater effort to secure the French language as an international language. Along with this idea is the hope that francophone countries will become active in international organizations because of the common language. Furthermore, their “interests will coincide with those of France so that they have a greater chance of voting in support of French positions” (Salhi 25). This idea goes back in history to when French President Pompidou stated: « Il n‟y a pas de place pour les langues minoritaires dans une France destine à marquer l‟Europe de son sceau6” (Salhi 41). Thus, it is essential for French to have a strong influence in its own country, in order to hope for its influence in others as well. More recently, in the 1981 elections, in a policy statement, “Mitterand had promised the creation of a single Basque department, a plan vehemently opposed by the Gaullist Rassemblement pour le Republique (RPR; Union for the Republic) party” (Douglass et al. 399). This seems to have increased the socialist vote in Ipparalde (the Northern provinces); however, Mitterrand never followed through on the electoral promise. The reactions to this betrayal in Ipparalde ranged from “pragmatic acceptance (and a belief in the need to continue lobbying in favor of Basque issues with the powerful political interests of France) to an outright rejection of ever relying on Paris to cede more regional authority” (Douglass et al. 399). For a few years, the French Basques collaborated with French officials and the gendarmerie7 in a more centrist political stance (Douglass et al. 400). However, in 1983, deadly conflict erupted between the French police and the Ipparraterrak (Those of the North) and the Basque resistance against France resembled that of the ETA in Spain, before calming down again at the end of the decade.

International Influences on Minority Language Policies

6

“There is no room for minority languages in a France destined to mark Europe with its seal.”

Though France has fought hard to maintain the centralization of the state and the standardization of the language, the nation itself cannot control everything. The European Union “is able to limit France‟s power to legislate on language issues” (Salhi 35), in the interests of protecting potentially repressed minorities. The Council of Europe also has influence on French decisions. France has had to adapt its policies to “achieve some form of consensus and prevent the nation [from] splitting” (Salhi 35). They need to depart from the traditional view when concerning linguistic policies, as their current efforts are clearly not appeasing the Basques. The international community has been working to protect the human rights of minorities. The United Nations has passed a treaty called the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). In the ICCPR, Article 27 states: “In those States in which ethnic, religious, or linguistic minorities exist, persons belonging to such minorities shall not be denied the right, in community with the other members of their group, to enjoy their own culture, to profess and practice their own religion, or to use their own language” (qtd in Salhi 78). Although this was a step in the right direction, it left too much room for interpretation by not specifying what a minority constituted and in which ways they were allowed to practice their own languages. This Article was supplemented by the Declaration of the Rights of Persons belonging to National or Ethnic, Religious and Linguistic Minorities in 1992 (Salhi 79) which stated: “States shall protect the existence and the national or ethnic, cultural, religious and linguistic identity of minorities within their respective territories and shall encourage conditions for the promotion of that identity” (Salhi 79). Articles 2 and 3 specify that minorities must be able to use their languages in public freely without interference or discrimination, and that states should take the appropriate measures to ensure that there are adequate opportunities for minorities to learn their mother tongue (Salhi 79). In 1999 France signed the Charter for Regional or Minority Languages; however, it was never ratified. This Charter was supposed to protect regional languages but presently there are still several barriers that are preventing

7

French police force

its ratification. The first is the deeply cemented Jacobinian idea that the French language is representative of French equality and refinement, while the minority languages are a threat to the state and spoken only by uneducated peasants. Secondly, the single language is viewed as a way to assimilate the many immigrants in France. However, it is clear that mentalities are changing since the Charter was at least signed and polls have shown that 82% are in favor of the ratification (Salhi 43). This Charter was prompted by the EU and the Council of Europe, and they consider it one of their most important achievements. (Salhi 48). However, the Charter has its limitations in the protection it grants. Specifically, it grants rights to the language itself, not the speakers of it. Though the Charter seeks to protect minority languages, it is relatively vague at points and leaves the states to interpret which languages fall under the Charter by defining cultural heritage and territory in their own ways. Therefore, the initiatives enacted on a supranational level can be undermined by the individual states with their freedom to determine the regional languages that qualify for the protection of the Charter. Despite the European Union‟s stance to protect regional languages, it is generally reluctant to enforce laws within nations, leaving it up to the nation state instead. Another language policy, The Toubon Law, was presented by the French government in August 1994 to protect the traditional French Jacobin and colonialist thinking that France was a republic of one language. During debates in Parliament concerning this proposal, some members fought to follow “French is the language of the Republic” with the phrase “with all due respect to France‟s regional languages and cultures” (Salhi 153). The Toubon Law, highly debated for five years, is now in effect and working to create more freedom for minority languages. It contains a section “on the new Linguistic Observatories and the regional languages” (Salhi 66). Funds and grants are given to websites and the cinema industry to create sites and films in French and regional languages. Another provision states that “40% of all songs on the radio should be in „French,‟ which includes regional languages. These changes are working to protect French from the dominance of the English language, while also slowly incorporating regional languages into the public sphere. Yet, the success is not great, the Ministry for Culture “does not give any specific help to cultural activities in regional languages” (Salhi 69) which have trouble competing against those in French. The inclusion of minority languages as “French” seems like an improvement; however, this merely provides a semblance of increased incorporation of minority languages, without

ensuring that those other languages will actually be used. Furthermore, the increase seen in education of regional languages is largely due to the private sector rather than a nationwide decree. Outrage ensued because this “refusal to compromise, which was encouraged by the government, strengthened the discriminatory effect of the law against minority languages, which had previously been tolerated but now became officially illegal” (Salhi 153). This law was used to exclude publications that were not written in French. Therefore, where the law provided some additional freedoms in one sphere, it took others away. The Toubon Law is contradictory in nature, as it attempts to appease minorities with the image of increased incorporation of minority languages, without actually permitting much additional freedoms to those languages. The law was taken so seriously by the Minister for Culture that a “Counselor for French” was placed in each administration of France to enact the law and fine those who broke it. In response to these actions, the Director of Linguistic Policy in Catalonia wrote in a Barcelona daily newspaper “it was strange to see that the country that invented Human Rights, does not respect them” (Salhi 154). Policies in France and Europe are currently placing more emphasis on the prioritization of rights of minorities. This is leading up to the “position of the Council of Europe, which indicates a future in which linguistic minorities, whether indigenous or otherwise, will be recognized as having legally enforceable rights to use their languages in private and in public” (Salhi 105). This presents the French with the problem of potentially “having to rethink the whole basis of their constitutional refusal to recognize minorities” (Salhi 106). This could lead to the upheaval and division of the French state. As stated by Leopold Sedar Senghor in 1958, “la république ne peut être à la fois une et indivisible et multiple et divisible.”8 The changes in the making will prove whether this predication is true or false.

Fluctuations in the Popularity of Euskara in France and Spain

The protection of the regional language Euskara is of particular importance. The Basques are “sometimes touted as Western Europe‟s oldest people and speak a language that thus far remains the sole known representative

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“The Republic cannot be at the same time „one and indivisible‟ and „multiple and divisible.‟”

of its own language people” (Douglass et al. 434). The loss of such a historically important language would be great. The absence of a Basque nation-state threatens the continuance of the language and undermines Basque authenticity and identity. Many Basques, through force or convenience, have been assimilated into French or Spanish culture, in the process losing their Basque roots. However, the presence of Basque “culture and identity has never quite disappeared altogether, and now, in a somewhat “shaken” modern world, they seem to be thriving” (Douglass et al. 434). In 1868, there were approximately 470,000 Basque speakers in the seven provinces (Douglass et al. 435). Another poll conducted in 1996 shows that there are now over half a million fluent in Euskara, with an addition 352,800 people who have partial knowledge of Euskara (Douglass et al. 435). Though population has grown as well, it does not appear as if the prevalence of Euskara has diminished over the years, which could be attributed to lessening the restrictions on the usage of the language. This poll also shows that there are more Basque speakers in Ipparalde (the French provinces) than in Hegoalde (Spanish provinces). The difference is that where Franco‟s dictatorship forcibly forbid the usage of Euskara and repressed the Basques in Spain; French attitudes towards the Basques have remained more indifferent. Though the French have refused to accept Euskera as an official language, they did not forcibly prevent its usage, choosing instead to deem it “patois9” and ignore its existence (Douglass et al. 438). Since the rough patch of the 1980‟s following Mitterrand‟s broken promises to the Basques, there has been some noticeable improvement in the percentages of Basque speakers. This is interesting because the French government has worked to diminish the usage of the Basque language, yet evidence is demonstrating that the language has actually strengthened. From 1991 to 2006, “the number of full bilinguals has increased by 138,400 people,” and the proportion of Basque speakers in the total population has grown 3.6 percentage points as well (Urrutia 170). The numbers are even more positive when the ages of five to fourteen year olds are concerned. Out of this group, 66% are bilingual and only 12% are monolingual in Spanish (Urrutia 171). These results show that the improvement in the number of Euskara speakers is “a linguistic transformation that has fundamentally occurred in the school system” (Urrutia 171). However, in the fifteen to nineteen year old range, the numbers drop off to 56%

9

A language of peasants

bilingual (Urrutia 171). This is a result of the school system, which guarantees students will be educated in Basque, but does not ensure they will graduate with a full knowledge of the language. Though the Euskara speaking population in Spain appears to be growing, the French population that speaks Euskara is declining. In Iparralde, Euskara is “experiencing a situation of total legal instability, due to the fact that the French Republic‟s political principals are insufficiently adapted to the guarantee and respect for linguistic diversity in its own territory” (Urrutia 30). Recent initiatives to change this will need to refocus their terms on the “re-democratization of culture, in order to channel the European dimension of protection of linguistic diversity” (Urrutia 30). In order to do so, France needs to adopt policies that will protect and promote minority languages. Instituting Basque language education programs in schools, for example, is an effective method that will meet this goal.

Euskara in the Basque Autonomous Community

Contrasting with the differences in language is the strength of Basque politics. Despite language being strong and more prevalent on the French side of the border, the Spanish Basques are more politically active. This, in fact, can be attributed to the repression of the Basques during the Franco regime. The French Basques, though not supported by the government, were able to quietly maintain their culture without much fear of reproach. However, the Spanish Basques were repressed, which forced them to more actively resist if they wanted to maintain their culture and individual identity. With a history more rooted in violence and political activism, Spanish Basques have evolved a bit differently than the French, who have lived under entirely different circumstances. This emphasis on violence and action seems to have continued well after the death of Franco and the establishment of the Basque Autonomous Community. Spurred into action by their repressed past, Spanish Basques continue to fight for more freedom and more recognition. The French Basques never felt as threatened as the Spanish Basques, and therefore, did not revolt as strongly. Their culture is now more hidden and less noticeable that the Spanish side of Basque country. This is indicative of their past, in which they continued to promote their language and culture, despite French government efforts to force it into extinction.

This hypothesis is further supported by the two different political cultures found in the Basque country. The Spanish Basque culture is considered “young” and is “characterized by polarization and lack of compromising traditions” (Beck 385). On the other hand, the political culture on the French side of the border is described as an old “one in which Basqueness has been smoothly integrated into the political mainstream” (Beck 385). In some ways, the French Basques benefited from the central governments method to dealing with minorities. France opted to choose peaceful ignorance of the Basques, over violent oppression. Basque refugees from Spain were allowed to cross the border and seek a safe haven in the French Basque country, while the central government averted their eyes. Similarly, the French Basques ignored French assimilation and maintained their culture and language, though in a more discreet manner. The French Basques never suffered exodus from their country for simply being Basque. Furthermore, though their language was never promoted by the French state, they were also never persecuted for speaking Euskera. Slowly, through more political-based, rather than violence based, campaigns, and with the help of international institutions, the French Basques have begun to experience a freer and more French-supported Basque culture. However, the French Basques are still far behind their Spanish counterparts in progress. French Basques now have the benefit of looking to the Spanish Basques for advice on political initiatives. The Spanish Basques have been granted autonomy and their language is recognized as an official language in Spain. This higher level of Spanish Basque political identity granted by the Spanish state allows for a stronger visible Basque culture within Spain. As a result of this success on one side of the border, “many pro-Basque language initiatives in Iparralde were launched with the inspiration and help of people with past experience in Hegoalde” (Bray 534). The decreased number of Spanish Basque speakers could be a result from the fact that “there is a difference between the permission to speak and actually speaking” (Koenig 218). In relations with the Spanish Administrations, Basques are still reluctant to speak Euskara because they are not used to it and find it challenging. Their long history of being required to use Spanish has rendered them uncomfortable and unfamiliar with their own language (Koenig 218). There is also the consideration that just deeming a language official will not guarantee its usage in common families. However, instituting a language in schools and public arenas will increase the likelihood

that the language will survive and flourish at home as well. Also, the freedom to use a traditional language or mother tongue should be shared by all people. Recent changes in the Spanish government have worked to advance the usage of Euskara; however, some policies have generated backlash from Spanish-speakers. The 1982 Basic Law for Normalizing Basque Language Use granted the right to use Basque to individuals rather than territories (Koenig 220). Spanish speakers lashed out at this decision, claiming that Basque could not be used by Spanish government offices in the Basque Autonomous Community. In response to the backlash, another decree was passed by Navarre in 2000 to regulate the Basque language in public administrative bodies (Koenig 220). This regulation eliminated the requirement of knowledge of Euskara for many public service positions in order to combat discrimination towards monolingual Spanish-speakers. Another regression is seen on the now monolingual road signs that once spelled out directions in both Spanish and Euskara. Since creating a stronger Basque language presence in Spain results in backlash from non-Basque Spanish citizens, the Basques in Spain cannot rely on the government to effectively protect and promote Euskara. Therefore, the Spanish Basques are fighting for greater autonomy and independence so they will have complete freedom to promote the language themselves. After the oppressive Franco regime ended, “the general situation of the Basque language changed profoundly” (Perez-Agote 122). Euskara could be spoken openly, and soon enough it was both institutionalized and actively promoted by the Department of Linguistic Policy of the Basque Autonomous Community. A Basque language development organization, known as HABE (the Association to Re-establish Basque Literacy Among Adults) worked to make Euskara an official language in public administration. Through the efforts of HABE, Euskara found its way into the public university as well. However, the Spanish Basques lost some unity after the Franco years. Tensions grew within the group over differing ideas once the looming threat of a hated dictator dissipated. Free from being banded together against a common enemy, they were able to focus on details, and differing opinions caused strife among the once united community. During the Franco years, tensions were high among Basques and Spanish officials. In 1973, the ETA assassinated Carrero Blanco, the man Franco had recently chosen to be his trusted successor. At this point, the

violence reached an all time high. Basques were arrested and killed for showing any sign of Basque culture or ETA affiliation. A Basque boy “celebrating the passing of his Baccalaureate exams was arrested by the police for singing a Basque song, dragged into the police station and shot dead” (Trask 32). Such was the state of the Basques until Franco‟s death in 1975. Afterwards, Spain began its journey to becoming a modern democratic state and Basque political prisoners of non-violent crimes were granted amnesty.

Bilingual Education and the Ikastolak10

One extremely effective way to promote the language is through the education system. Basques refer to schools that teach their language as “Ikastolak.” These schools originated in France and Spain at the end of the 19th century, but were banned in Spain during the Franco years (1939-1975) (Cenoz 60). In 1970, the Spanish government ratified the General Law of Education 14 which proclaimed that all “education would be held solely in Spanish” (Ametzaga 56). Later that year, the government conceded a little by instituting the creation of bilingual centers; however, this had little impact on the Basque language and was mainly an attempt at appeasing the Basques. In May 1975, The Official Bulletin of the State n°156 in Spain allowed the possibility of Basque being offered as an elective in primary schools (Ametzaga 57). Finally, on October 31, 1975, the Basque language was regulated and offered in all schools as an elective subject (Ametzaga 57). However, after years of suffocating linguistic policies, “the Basque language at the end of Franco‟s dictatorship [had] turned into the second language of the Basque country, spoken by less than 40% of the Basques” (Ametzaga 57). Furthermore, article 3 of the Spanish Constitution of 1978 “imposed the duty of knowing Spanish and only the right of knowing Basque” (Ametzaga 58). Though this permits the knowledge and education of Basque, does little to make up for the extreme loss in fluent speakers of the language. In France the Basque language “withstood an exclusive linguistic policy” (Ametzaga 57) and has no legal status. Similar to the Spanish state‟s actions, the French, “in order to silence the internal and international critics on the situation of the languages,” instituted Basque language programs at the university level. However, the French

10

Schools that teach the Basque language

government began to worry “about the incipient weight internationally gained by English” and created the High Committee for the Defense and Expansion of the French Langauge in 1966 (Ametzaga 57). This committee defended the Law on Primary Education, which tacitly excluded any language other than French from the school system (Ametzaga 57). When the Basque language entered the school system in Spain in 1975, the French approved the Law N°75-620 on education, of which Article 12 sanctioned French as the sole language of education (Ametzaga 58). One year later, speaking French was deemed “as a compulsory duty and fundamental right of every French citizen” (Ametzaga 57). In the Ikastolak, the “Basque language is the main language of instruction both for learners with Basque as the first language and for second language learners (Cenoz 60). In the Basque Autonomous Community, the Ikastolak became legal in the late 1970s (Cenoz 61). The majority of these schools is private and receives funding from the Basque government. The French have been able to institute some Basque schools as well, despite French law dictating that only French should be taught in the school system. By using the veil of private Catholic schools, the Basques are able to teach their language to those students without government intervention. There is a correlation between stronger knowledge of the language and the institution of Euskara in the school system11. In the BAC, the regions with the highest knowledge of Euskara are the ones in which the education is solely in Euskara, with Spanish as a subject (Ametzaga 60). Though the Ikastolak succeed in increasing the number of students exposed to the Basque language, they still encounter problems in promoting a strong knowledge and fluency of the language. Learning a language during school hours does not ensure the students will use that language outside the school, at home, or in their future lives. Therefore, these Basque schools cannot be the sole solution to increasing a minority languages‟ strength. In order to overcome the shortcomings of the Ikastolak, the Basques need to implement Euskara into every day life, beyond the educational atmosphere. Writing signs in Euskara, requiring fluency in Euskara for all jobs in the Basque Country, and increasing the usage of Euskara in public media such as television are all measures one could take to strengthen the usage of a minority language. However, in order to fulfill these requirements, the

11

See table 3

Basques in both France and Spain need to gain greater freedom within the Basque Country. The recognition of this fact may be the reason the Basques continue to fight against both governments for more and more freedoms.

Language Policies and Movements of the Basque Country

Basque movements, both official and unofficial, have fought to broaden the usage of the Basque language. Basque nationalist music developed and gained popularity; however, this type of music was introduced by the French side of the Basque country initially, with the Spanish following suit afterwards. Magazines published in Euskara appeared in print and radio stations began broadcasting in Euskara as well. In 1980, the Basque community in Spain gained autonomy through the Guernica Statute and officially became the Basque Autonomous Community. However, despite official autonomous status and funding for linguistic development institutions, some Basques still feel this is not enough. A very radical linguistic social movement stated that “Euskara was not official anywhere because they didn‟t want to impose the Euskara. The problem was that if one didn‟t impose the language, it tended to disappear” (Perez-Agote 122). Furthermore, if the Basque government “was incapable of subsidizing the ikastolas and promoting Euskara throughout the whole Basque nation, if it couldn‟t introduce it into the public educational system, if this Vascongado government couldn‟t make all the kids, either from here, or immigrants, use our national unified language, if it couldn‟t even introduce it into the economic system, or the political or judicial system, for us that government was illegitimate as far as finding a coherent solution for our national language” (Perez-Agote 123). The apparent problem with any institutions to promote the language was that they were not doing so on a broad enough basis. Even now, merely half of fluent Basque speakers can also write Euskara fluently. With only about 13%-15% of people literate in Euskara, the written form of the language is facing an enormous threat of extinction (166 Urrutia).

The political system of funding itself was flawed. The Alfabetatze Euskalduntze Koordinakundea (AEK), translated as the Coordination for the Alphabetization and Teaching of the Basque Language, “operated with twenty something thousand students and extended throughout Euskal Herria” (Perez-Agote 123). However, when HABE came along as a parallel institution, the twenty thousand students of AEK lost their government funding so that money could be put towards the six or seven thousand students HABE had. During the Franco years, the Basques had been united in the “political consensus about the positive worth of the Basque language and culture” (PerezAgote 123). However, with the lack of proper political organization and opportunity to promote Euskara effectively after Franco‟s death, the former consensus shattered into disagreement and devaluation of the language. This is another adverse effect of the discontinuity and internal tensions that emerged in the BAC shortly after gaining autonomy from the state. One of the explanations for the disunity in the Basque community is the attitude towards resistance. The official negation and prohibition of the language outraged the entire Basque community. They resisted against the prohibition because they were indignant to the loss of the freedom to use Euskara. However, once a “new permissiveness and new possibilities to learn the language; new social spaces that, at least formally, allowed and even facilitated its use; and new institutions dedicated to developing a specific linguistic political policy” emerged, it seemed less necessary to fight for the maintenance of the language. Language needs more attention than that to survive though; it needs the continued support and use of the people. Instead, Spanish, being the dominant language, took precedence over Euskara, leading to fewer and fewer Basque speakers. As one Basque put it during an interview, “Euskara is screwed up…because the truth is that one can get by without it. For me, this is the biggest problem: Euskara isn‟t necessary, if you don‟t want it, throughout your whole life; speaking Spanish is enough” (Perez-Agote 127). Students are taught it in school under the impression that it may be required for a job in the future. Though this education is good, the problem is that Euskara may be required in the future for one particular job. Students, however, know that for that one job, there are dozens of others that only require Spanish.

Though the Franco years repressed the language, they may have also rescued it. Before the prohibition of Euskara, the language was suffering from a provincial image. Those that spoke it were considered uneducated peasants, likely a result from the French campaign to make regional languages “patois” so they would eventually be winnowed out in exchange for the “elite” French language. On the Spanish side of the border, young men and women strived to learn Spanish so they could dance and appear intelligent in the bigger towns. Then, Franco came and banned the language. Parents that knew Euskara feared to teach it to their children, some of whom did not even realize their parents spoke Euskara until they were adults (Perez-Agote 128). However, “if France hadn‟t existed, Euskara would have disappeared. What Franco did was create a consciousness” (Perez-Agote 128). A barrier to those who support the advancement of the language is that they are setting their sights to high. The extreme goes from passive ignorance to radical support for a monolingual Euskadi. The Euzkadiko Ezkerra (EE), which is the Euskadi Left Party, has attempted to neutralize the debate and focus on bilingualism instead. One member states that “one must think about bilingualism. The heart wants monolingualism. But here one knows full well that Spanish is going to dominate for years to come” (qtd in Perez-Agote 131). He continues to hopelessly explain: “To me, monolingualism sounds the same as independence. I‟m not all sure Ill ever see it; as an agreed aim or objective….Because if we‟re Basque it‟s because we speak Euskara…Now nobody can say that they can‟t learn Euskara or they cant speak it; those who don‟t do so don‟t want to. Much is said about the subject of Euskara, but nobody remembers what it represents for us.” (qtd in Perez-Agote 137). There now exists a discord between the government and the people. The “institutions emerging out of the Statute of Autonomy are unfamiliar to most Basque people [and] theres a widespread ignorance of them” (PerezAgote 144). The parties are weak and political participation is nearly non-existent. They do not actively speak or promote or teach Euskara, yet criticize the autonomous government for their failure in achieving complete independence and monolingualism. In 2003, the Basque National Party (PNV) through the Basque Parliament proposed the Ibarratxe Plan to recover their unity and reform the conditions of their autonomy (Requejo and Sanjaume). In 2004 the controversial proposal for this „New Political Statute‟ was approved by the Spanish Parliament. This proposal led to the Ibarretxe

Plan that called for the creation of a Basque State that is freely associated with Spain (Keating et al. 347). This proposal was a nationalist endeavor that was meant to be “primarily of symbolic, rather than practical, significance” (Keating et al. 347) and was never passed due to strong opposition in the Spanish Central Government. The Spanish state believes that the “Spanish constitution gives Euskadi adequate powers and if there are still areas where the Basque authorities are yet to exercise full responsibility, this is only because of the „Basque government‟s lack of loyalty to the central state‟” (Keating et al. 356). Yet, there was also debate over the plan within the Basque community. The left-wing party of the Basques, Batasuna, “criticized the Ibarretxe Plan on the grounds that it failed to defend Basque culture” (Keating et al. 356). The plan failed because it did not support the most important part of Euskadi – its language. At the same time, a debate surrounding the ratification of a draft European constitution emerged as well. The Basque Country fought against it because it failed to recognize the Basque language. However, the PNV (Nationalist Basque Party) decided to support the constitution because it was “a step in the right direction. Each step in favor of Europe implies less Spain and less France” (Keating et al. 357). The draft constitution also left the possibility of supporting the Ibarretxe plan; yet, it later was influenced to “stop mixing up issues of internal sovereignty with the EU” (Keating et al. 357). However, Euskal Alkartasuna (EA), another Basque political party, criticized the constitution for its “failure to recognize linguistic and cultural diversity, saying that it „legalizes the violation of linguistic and cultural rights of millions of European citizens‟” (Keating et al. 357). Many theorize that the “unsupported coexistence mostly…leads to minority languages dying” (qtd in Koenig 218). The Basques are fighting for their own official language status for fear of Euskara dying out if it continues to remain a regional, unsupported language. Language is extremely important to the expression of ethnic minority groups in two ways. First, “a distinctive language may help to demarcate the ethnic group from other groups” (Barbour 9). Also, a language facilitates both communication and coherence within a group, which is essential for any type of common identity and mobilization. It is also known that “a codified standard language gives the language itself a kind of focus and identity that it may have not possessed before. Since Euskara is so important to Basque identity, and the standardization of the language in turn protects the language, it can be

assumed that the action of creating a unified form of Euskara was significant for the Basque collective identity and sense of nationalism.

Basque Nationalism and its Connections to Language

“There is not a Basque problem in France but a French problem in the Pays Basque…The struggle of the Pays Basque will endure as long as there are Basques” Henri Perez 1991 (qtd in Jacob 402).

Language, strongly related to nationalism, especially in the case of the Basques, is essential to a strong sense of nationalism for an ethnic group. It allows a group to “demarcate the ethnic group from other groups” ( Barbour 9). It also facilitates conversation among the people in that group, allowing the seeds of nationalism to flourish. Nationalism is important because it is “such a significant motivation of human behavior” and understanding it could “lead to an amelioration of some of the world‟s problems” (Barbour 2). Nationalism has the ability to “arouse

passionate loyalties and hatreds that motivate acts of extreme violence and courage; people kill and die for their nations” (Barbour 2). Ethnic regions fight and die in the hopes of gaining national independence; yet, “there is no logical connection between the gaining of political independence by a political nation and increased life chances for its citizens” (Barbour 2). However, national independence does guarantee a government for that ethnic minority, which could act in ways to protect the ethnic individuality. This is true with the Basque people, who are fighting, especially in Spain, for independence which will ensure the survival of their culture and most importantly their language. Having the status of a nation provides an ethnic group a type of legitimacy. The Basques seek independence so their culture has legitimacy in Europe, which would allow Euskara to maintain a steadier place in the world and ensure its future. It is possible for nations to encompass several strong ethnicities successfully, such as in the United States. However, in a state such as France, that places such a strong emphasis on French and only French nationalism, it is difficult for minority ethnic groups to maintain a strong representation. Thus, the Basques are faced with the difficulty of overcoming this deeply embedded French nationalism, and their solution has been to fight for their own cultural independence. Language is an important ethnic identity marker, as well as an indicator of a national identity. In the case of the Basques, the linguistic question is “a key issue in Basque national identity” (Douglass et al 31). In fact, “the lack of the use of the Basque language in the Basque Country has been an obstacle to self-recognition, a critical matter for future development of Basque Identity” (Douglass et al 31). Basques now believe that the stronger their language is, the stronger their fight for independence or autonomy will be. Since fluency and general knowledge of Euskara are not evenly distributed among the Basques, forming a coherent and successful nationalistic front is even more difficult. Not all Basques are bilingual, which presents a problem in itself. However, this issue is exacerbated by the fact that those Basques that are bilingual are divided among those who speak Euskara and French and those that speak Euskara and Spanish. There are also different levels of fluency among the Basques. Many can comprehend Euskara, fewer can speak it, and even fewer can write it. The variances in knowledge of Euskara make it difficult to preserve the language by using it more in daily life. If it were required for the workforce, Basques that were not fluent in it would be unable to get jobs. In order to educate

large portions of the Basque population, Euskara would need to be instituted in the school system. French laws prohibit this from occurring, even though some Basque schools have circumvented the system. As a result, many Basques have begun to feel they need independence in order to preserve their language. A problem the French face is that if they present the Basques with autonomy, it will likely create a snowball effect with other ethnic regions. For example, the Celts in Brittany and the Corsicans in Corsica would fight for more independence as well. This would either lead to unequal and unfair treatment among different minorities, which could erupt into violence, or it could lead to the division of France into a multiethnic state, as was in the case of Yugoslavia. A multiethnic state does “not have a single identity” (Cottam & Cottam) to which all its citizens adhere to. Instead “primary identity and loyalty goes to ethnic groups, with attachment to the territorial state being secondary or lower” (Cottam & Cottam 195). In this case, a multiethnic state would be detrimental to the very centralized government of France. The rise of languages goes hand in hand with the rise in nationalisms. Over the past centuries, the number of languages and dialects has increased. Along with these new languages, new nations have been formed and other nationalistic forces have been created. It is impossible to ignore minority groups that fight for a nationalist identity, as the repression or dismissal of these groups tends to lead to violence and political conflict in many cases. From 1800 to 1900 “the number of full-fledged national languages in Europe increased from 16 to 30, that is, at a faster rate than any in the preceding ten centuries” (Salhi 534). By 1937, an additional 23 languages emerged as well (Salhi 534). Corresponding to this growth, the groups that speak these new languages began expressing their loyalty through nationalism. The Basques are included among the nationalistic movements that “have moved up from already existing language groups, among people who were already speaking some old vernacular in their families and in their simple, mostly rural, life” (Cottam & Cottam 536). Due to the corresponding nature of languages and nationalism, “we may expect, with the spread of literacy and industrialization, the rise of nationalistic movements all over the world” (Cottam & Cottam 536). At the very least, this is evident in the Basque country, where a more globalized world is threatening the maintenance of Euskara, and increasing nationalist movements within the Basque country to protect their identity.

Modernization has also helped to revive ancient languages. As demonstrated previously, before the Franco repression era, the Basque language was dying off. Part of the revitalization was explained through the banning of the language in Spain that sparked people to protect it while it was illegal. However, this revitalization can also be explained by changes in the modern world (Cottam & Cottam 540). According to some research, “the development of modern philology and modern education has made it possible to revive, modernize, and utilize any ancient language sufficiently known to history, if it should so suit any group‟s desire for separate identity” (Cottam & Cottam 540). The Basques have made it very clear their group desires a separate identity in both France and Spain. The pursuit of a separate identity may have been a motivating factor in the development of a single, unified form of Euskara throughout the Basque country. Under this assumption, the national languages of today appear not only as a cause, but also as a result, of national differentiation” (Cottam & Cottam 540). In 1937, “each of the European language groups” has “some form of political organization or movement” (Cottam & Cottam 540). Furthermore, the number of modern sovereign states in Europe has also closely paralleled the growth of new languages (Cottam & Cottam 542). It is clearly evident that language is a motivator and maintainer of nationalistic movements and feelings among minorities. It is commonly agreed upon among political scientists and historians “that the link between language and nation has been a prominent feature of modern politics” (Conversi 189). Furthermore, “among most present-day ethno-nationalist movements, language continues to be the basic criteria of self-definition and nationhood” (Conversi 198). Though much of this argument asserts that nationalistic movements often are created for the purpose of protecting the language, nationalism often has larger pursuits as well. Nationalism can “be defined as the struggle of a culturally distinct group to achieve the control of the state (that is, the maximum form of legitimate political power in the modern world)” (Conversi 189). This goal is likely that of the Spanish Basques that, despite their official status of Euskara in the Basque Autonomous Community, continue to strive for increased independence and recognition. As important as language is to nationalism, it has the potential of determining how effective a nationalistic front is in ethno-national politics. For example, it has been found that in nations where “the ethnic language is dying out or very scarcely spoken” (Conversi 189), one can find “ambiguity in the nationalists‟ political programmes”

(Conversi 189). Though the French Basques have a better knowledge of Euskara than the Spanish Basques, the usage is less apparent in the French provinces of the Basque country. This more covert usage of the language can lead to false perceptions of its strength in France. These perceptions then lead to the thought that the Basque fight for autonomy is not supported by others. The Basque community is not as visibly strong in France as it is in Spain. French Basques in one province may not realize they share the same common goals as those in another French province, because the common misperception is that the Basque movement is weak throughout France. This could be a reason for less effective basque nationalist movements in France. Spanish Basques have gained more independence than the French Basques. Though much of the lack of Basque-favorable policies within France is due to the unyielding government, the lack of a strong presence of the language could decrease nationalistic sentiments among French Basques, resulting in a weaker, less united front. Language has the ability to not only inspire nationalist movements, but strengthen them as well by acquiring more followers through a common goal. Non-nationalists in the Basque regions “share a common desire to see the Basque language fully normalized” (Conversi 190). Though non-nationalist Basques are indifferent to autonomy, many still desire the preservation of the language and culture. This common “non-negotiable” goal unites both nationalists and non-nationalists in the single movement. The goal of a linguistic nationalist movement appeals to those who desire independence, as well as those who simply desire the assurance of the continuation of their culture. Basque nationalism as a whole is extremely unorganized. There are dozens of Basque organizations on both sides of the French-Spanish border work to promote Basque nationalist ideologies. Most are very similar, yet this lack of unity in the nationalistic front hinders the success of Basque Nationalism as a whole. This discontinuity can be an underlying result of the variances in Basque language and culture. Until the 1960s, a single form of the Basque language did not exist. The variances in the dialects of the Basque language could have been the cause of so many different nationalist organizations among the Basques as each different group of Basques formed their own nationalist movement. Even now with a unified form of Euskara, the Basques are not as united as they should be. The two different nationalities is a problem since most Basques live in Spain, while others reside in France. This difference alone has lead to many varying experiences that have shaped the French Basques and Spanish Basques into two different people.

Many leaders of the Basque nationalist movement wanted to preserve the distinctiveness of Basque culture and “a political key component of this distinctiveness was Euskara” (Molinero 208). However, the founder of the first national Basque movement, Sabino de Arana, was not concerned with language. “Well, the extinction of our language is of no importance whatsoever; nor the loss of our history; nor the loss of our very own and holy institutions, not the imposition of strange and liberal ones; nor the political enslavement of our patria; none, absolutely none, of this matters in itself, when compared with the rubbing together of our people with the Spanish, which, within our race, immediately and necessarily leads to ignorance and a drop in intelligence, to weakness and corruption of the hear, and to total estrangement; in a word, to the end of all human society” –Sabino de Arana 1897 (qtd in Molinero 210). As a result of Arana‟s leadership and ideology, the first national Basque party, the PNV, focused more on the racial and ethnic purity of the Basques (Molinero 210). However, after Arana‟s reign, the Basques began to place greater emphasis on language, eventually founding the majority of its nationalist campaigns around the preservation of the Basque language. Basque nationalism and its goals for a united and independent Basque state cannot be fulfilled without an emphasis on the Basque language. The language promotes a pride and identity among the Basques, and this collective identity is essential to a successful nationalistic movement. The initial leaders of Basque nationalism were concerned with protecting the distinctiveness of the Basques. This distinctiveness was necessary to even form nationalism because “a people that do not know their different characteristics can hardly establish a nation because they are not aware of the benefit of forming one” (Muro 579). Though the Basques have many distinguishing qualities, none are as prominent as their unique language. Different regions of France and Spain have their own traditional cuisine or cultural activities, so the Basques do not differ greatly in that respect. Their physical appearance, though slightly different, is not overwhelmingly apparent, nor is the peculiarity in their blood types visibly different than those of their European neighbors. Therefore, language is the easiest and most visible distinction that nationalists can hold onto to promote their cause. The positive effects on language can also been attributed to the increase in ikastolas (Basque schools) enrollment numbers after the revival of Euskara in the nationalist movement in the 1960s

The ETA as a Nationalist Linguistic Movement

Arguably the most famous nationalist movement of the Basque people is the terrorist group Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA). Established in 1959, the ETA took the nationalist ideology of Arana and put a greater emphasis on language. The early members had decided that “the preservation of the Basque culture and language was a higher priority than the creation of an independent state” (Dennis 9). They also used Euskara to mobilize nationalists, believing that “it was the „will‟ to be Basque that mattered, not genetic characteristics, and the expression of the will was the Basque language” (Muro 580). Furthermore, the early ETA members were greatly influenced by Frederico Kruvig, a member of the Academy of the Basque Language (Dennis 9). In order to pursue its goals inspired by the protection of the Basque language, the ETA evolved into a violent terrorist organization that still attacks both France and Spain in pursuit of Basque nationalism. Beyond the ETA there are several other Basque nationalist movements that provide support for the ETA members. These organizations, such as Axkatasuna, Gestoras pro-Amnistia, and Senadeak, work to support ETA prisoners and protect members from prosecution. Since the ETA has become so violent, these other organizations that support ETA values work to protect ETA members so they can continue to carry out their terrorist attacks. Sabino de Arana‟s political nationalist party the PNV (Nationalist Basque Party) is the organization that initially inspired the ETA. The lack of emphasis on language and culture of the Basques drove many members to split off and form the ETA. Though there are many Basque nationalist parties and movements, the majority of them connect to the protection of the Basque language in some manner. An official ETA description of their organization does the best to explain how much importance they place on the preservation of Euskara. “There is no creation more strictly and permanently national, present and lived, popular and collective, than the national language. One is dealing perhaps, with the only creation in which all the regions, all the social

classes, and all the successive generations have collaborated…In a strict sense only the Basque language maintains at an unquestionable level the objective unity of Euskadi, across the Basque-speaking zones of the Spanish and French states…Since the times of Machiavelli it is an extremely well-known political counsel, and one which works infallibly, that to kill a pueblo there is nothing more deadly than to kill its national language. A pueblo which stops speaking its language is a pueblo which has died. A pueblo which changes its language for that of its neighbor is a pueblo which changes its soul for that of its neighbor” (ETA 1979, vol:105-6) Spurred by the motivation to preserve Euskara, the Basque nationalists have launched a number of offensives against both the French state and the Spanish state, though the tensions between the latter and the Basques are often much higher. Because of its violent attacks, the ETA has lost a lot of support from the Basques; however, other more peaceful nationalist organizations that share the same ideologies as the ETA are still strongly supported within the Basque Country. The Iparretarrek movement, driven by angry and frustrated Basque youths in the Northern Basque provinces, was inspired by the ETA. It was the belief of both organizations that “for our part, in Euskadi North, there must be an active and total solidarity with our brothers in the South” (Jacob 271). In a press statement in 1978, the Iparretarrek declared “we agree with the struggle that ETA is carrying out in the South. For our part, in Euskadi North, we have the same goals” (Jacob 271). Both organizations are violent nationalist movements inspired by the need to protect and preserve their unique language from the dominating influences of French and Spanish. The first international Basque political party was created in 1975 under the name Euskal Herriko Aderdi Sozialista (EHAS). This party is another organization the evolved from the same ideologies of the ETA but branched off because of an aversion to the violent nature of the ETA. One of their main goals was “the implementation of the Basque language as the expression of national culture” (Jacob, 194). The party also sought to unite all seven Basque Provinces, and destroy “the division imposed by the French and Spanish states (Jacob, 195). EHAS attempted to unite not only Basques on both sides of the border, but also all other similar Basque movements. Though this type of united front is needed in order for the Basque campaign for autonomy or a Basque department to succeed, EHAS was criticized by many for being too “hegemonic” (Jacob 210). As the party broke into more

factions as a result of this criticism, EHAS ran into political problems and financial problems. After the youthdriven Iparretarrek movement grew, EHAS lost more power and ceased its efforts. The Iparretarrek movement was too popular and too violent for EHAS to continue to compete with. ETA violence reached its peak in 1980, a year in which approximately 200 people were killed by ETA attacks (BBC 2006). In 1981, tensions between French Basques and the French state eased when Francois Mitterrand was elected. Before this time, the Basques were “locked in conflict with French nationalists whose Jacobinism united such otherwise dissimilar allies as Gaullists and the French Communist party” (Jacob 389). Also, the Basques had been inspired by the colonial wars in the 1960s, identifying with nationalists in Vietnam and Algeria who were fighting for independence from France as well (Jacob 389). However, the Basques were hopeful of Mitterrand‟s electoral platform that promised “the creation of a Basque department in France and clear commitments to cultural preservation” (Jacob 389). This event motivated the Basques to ease off on the violent revolts for a period of time. The disappointment and betrayal of Mitterand rescinding on his electoral promise led the Basque nationalist movement in France into complete disarray. The Basque political parties and nationalists that grew out of this period were more unwilling to compromise with or trust the French state. They did not wish to “commit the future of Basque language and culture to a largely indifferent or hostile French political system” (Jacob 389). Afterwards, a Basque official stated “if Paris doesn‟t listen to these political voices quickly, violence will hardly have any difficulty finding practitioners” (Jacob 395). By the mid-1980s it became apparent that “the government was holding a series of cultural initiatives hostage in its campaign against both Iparretarrek and ETA” (Jacob 395). One of these initiatives was an accord that would integrate the teaching of Euskara within the Ministry of National Education, as well as create a university degree program in Basque (Jacob 395). The interior minister Pierre Joxe made a trip to the Basque country in 1988 to “understand the linguistic and cultural problems” that were leading to violence (Jacob 395). After that visit, the government announced several measures “responding directly to the cultural and linguistic concerns raised earlier by moderate Basque leaders” (Jacob 396). These small steps show that the French government and the Basques can work together peacefully.

Basque Progression towards Peaceful Negotiations

In 1996, Spanish and French officials joined forces to enforce cooperation on the terrorist group. Though this method was more effective than working separately as they had done in the past, the ETA was not deterred. In 1998 the ETA “declared an indefinite ceasefire” (BBC 2006) amid peace talks with France and Spain. However, merely a year later, the ETA bombing campaigns resumed (BBC 2006). In the 2001 regional parliamentary elections, more than 50% of the vote was won by Basque nationalist candidates. However, it was also discovered at this time that only 10% supported the political party aligned with the ETA. A more peaceful event in Basque nationalism occurred in 2003. The Basque National Party (PNV) proposed the Ibarratxe Plan to recover their unity and reform the conditions of their autonomy. This plan was rejected since it contradicted the Spanish Constitution. The Basques refute this claim, feeling unbound to the Constitution because of the huge Basque abstention vote in 1978 when the referendum was passed (Perez-Agote). They feel as if they were forced into the acceptance of the Constitution, and refuse to follow something they did not voluntarily support. However, the importance of the Ibarratxe Plan is that it was a nationalistic proposal presented by the original nationalist movement in the Basque country. The Ibarratxe plan sought the protection of the language through increased freedom in governing. This is just another example that shows how interrelated the Basque language and Basque nationalism are in this region (Perez-Agote). Furthermore, the PNV, which originally cared little about the sanctity of Euskara, has now begun to change its opinions on the importance of it, clearly realizing how essential Euskara is to the success of any Basque nationalism. Deciding to take a more “democratic process in the Basque country” (BBC 2006) the ETA announced a permanent cease-fire in March 2006. The Spanish Prime Minister Jose Luis Rodriguez Zapatero declared that the government “was cautious” but trusts that “we will now be joined in hope” (Mr. Zapatero, 2006). The Basques hoped for a more peaceful future following the peace talks.

“At the end of this process, Basque citizens will be able to have a voice and the power to decide their future. Ending the conflict, here and now, is possible – this is the desire and the will of the ETA” – ETA Statement, March 2006 (qtd in CNN) However, not all accepted this announcement as truth. The Spanish Association of Victims of Terrorism claimed this was just “a new trick by the murderers to achieve their political objectives” (BBC 2006). Spanish opposition leader Mariano Rajoy refused to believe the permanent cease-fire as well. This announcement also follows the November 2005 trial in which 56 alleged ETA activists were prosecuted for terrorist activities (BBC 2006). These arrests by both French and Spanish police have been hitting the organization hard, and may have been the cause of the permanent cease-fire announcement. The criticism of this announcement proved to be true when the ETA retracted the unilateral cease-fire on June 5, 2007. The announcement was not made to the Spanish or French governments, but in the local Basque newspaper, Berria, which is published in Euskara. Spanish and French newspapers picked up on the announcement by the next day. The ETA cites their reason for retracting the cease-fire as non-cooperation from the Spanish and French states. The ETA had assumed the cease fire was a unilateral agreement without confirming if either government agreed to it. Therefore, during that period of “peace,” French and Spanish officials continued to arrest up to 21 ETA suspects, while another 600 remained in jails throughout both countries. In the end, people are still hoping for an end to the “nearly 40 years of ETA violence, which is blamed for more than 800 deaths” (Goodman, CNN). Presently, the Basque nationalist movements are divided into several political entities. So far, too much “emphasis has been placed on consolidating the political-institutional structure of Euskadi to the neglect” of more cultural aspects (Douglass 53). The division among the Basques within the seven provinces is destructive to cohesion among nationalist movements and political organizations. The language, though still strong, is not evenly spread throughout the territory, and many have no knowledge of it at all. There are Basques that identify solely as Basques and others that identify solely with both French or Spanish nationalities and still others that feel they are a combination of both. This discord among the Basques needs to be resolved before a nationalist movement can pursue autonomy or full independence because, “if it is to have legitimacy and staying power, it must be the result

of the freely expressed will of the citizenry” (Douglass 52). Furthermore, it is more rational “to establish increasingly close, fixed, and stable institutionalized connections among the Basques” (Douglass et al. 53) and across the border, than to “demand secession and the creation of an independent Basque state” (Douglass et al. 53). As long as there are so many differing wills among the citizenry, independence will remain an impossible dream.

Conclusion

The threat of the ETA is not going to disappear. Despite decreased support among the Basques themselves due to the violent nature of the ETA, the terrorist group still maintains a great deal of support from Basques. Furthermore, ETA has recently been linked to the Venezuelan government and Hugo Chavez. According to the New York Times reports, Basques have been fleeing to Venezuela, a country that lured them there during the terrible years of Franco‟s reign, since the 1930‟s. Venezuela has been harboring, protecting, and funding, ETA terrorists and activities. With this kind of outside support, it will be even more difficult to prevent ETA attacks without meeting their demands and compromising with the Basques. In August 2009, the ETA celebrated is fiftieth anniversary, and is still going strong after half a century. Recently, a French police officer was killed during a shootout near Paris. This is the first time an ETA member has killed a member of France‟s security forces. Historically, the ETA focused its attacks on Spain and used “southwestern France as a staging area” (NYT). However, since law enforcement agencies in both France and Spain have teamed up to crack down on the terrorist activities of the ETA. This has led the ETA to move more of its operations deeper into France. French President, Nicolas Sarkozy, and Spanish Prime Minister, Jose Luis Rodriguez Zapatero, are discussing joint efforts to deal with this latest attack. Though there are rumors that the recent arrests and weapons seizures from police in France and Spain have weakened the ETA, the attacks seem to be far from ending. Furthermore with all the support from other non-violent nationalist organizations in the Basque country, even if the ETA is defeated, there will be plenty of organizations to continue the fight for Basque national independence. If Basque violence is spreading throughout France as a result of tougher enforcement against the ETA, it is clear that oppressing the Basques is not the best solution. Basques seem to thrive against adversity, as they did during the Franco years. How, then, are the French, Spanish, and European governments supposed to respond to such violence? How can we prevent crime and deaths without motivating Basque extremists to fight harder? And will Basque nationalism die down or continue to thrive in this environment?

The French state has a long standing tradition of a “passive policy stance toward the unfolding of seemingly inevitable historical trends working against the survival of minority languages” (Douglass et al. 158). As a general rule, the French try to delay any kind of compromise as long as possible, ignoring the problem until it is unavoidable. Then, they engage in “apolitical cultural associations in long and inconclusive discussion that have no end, or that provide only token levels of financial support” (Douglass et al. 158). This trend is becoming evident in the case of the Basques as well. For decades, the French state ignored the Basques and allowed ETA terrorists to hide out in France to avoid any clashes with the Basque country. Now that ETA attacks in France are becoming more frequent, the government has begun to team up with Spain and engage in peace talks with the Basques. The French method was meant to “dispirit Basque militants seeing to negotiate in good faith for the preservation of the language” (Douglass et al. 158). The education programs are controlled by the state and the Basque cultural associations have “little leverage on…French ministries” (Douglass et al. 158). So far these talks have not resulted in any solutions. The French did not honor the cease-fire the Basques presented recently either. In fact, “each day increases the forces acting against the Basque language in a climate of apparent state indifference” (Douglass et al. 158). Though the exact intentions of the French government cannot be known for certain, it seems convincing that they are following the traditional trend of dealing with minority languages. Despite any illusions of progress, the “twenty-first century finds the French Basque nationalist movement struggling with many of the same issues and obstacles that have marked its existence since the 1960s” (Douglass et. al 169). The French Basque nationalist movement has been deeply influence by the Spanish Basque nationalist movement; the two share the same common, number one goal: the protection of the Basque language (Douglass et al. 170). Both Basque nationalist movements are now hoping that peace talks will lead to a lasting peace with the ETA. The French Basque nationalist movement‟s greatest strength “has been the fidelity and devotion of its militants” (Douglass et. al 170). Generations have successfully passed down their political values and nationalist ideologies, which has “ensured the optimistic birth of new political movements as new generations are socialized to the nationalist cause” (Douglass et al. 170). Also, the support for Basque candidates in elections over the past thirty

years has more than doubled (Douglass et al. 170). This can also be related to the “public reaction ot the failure of either the French left or right to make good on its promises to the Basques” (Douglass et al. 170). Clearly, the strength of the Basque nationalist movement is not going to diminish in the near future. So is it a possible dream for the Basques to achieve a purely Basque department in France? So far, any indication of the French government‟s intentions has suggested that this dream is far from a reality. By examining the precious actions of the French government, it can be discovered that “any French willingness to consider concessions in the areas of language and culture has been trumped by fears of stimulating more radical political demands, including independence” (Douglass et al. 171). It is obvious that the preferred solution the Basque question is France is that “in the twenty-first century the Pays Basque will become a region not of Basques but of the grandchildren of Basques” (Douglass et al. 171). However, the French efforts to stifle the Basque culture may be overruled by the European Union. The policies of the EU are placing less emphasis on borders between member states. Furthermore, the “common economic policy of the EU may encourage the development of the natural regional economic market that stretches from Bayonne to Bilbao” (Millenium 171). In this situation, the “agrarian north may join the industrial south in creating an economic and social zone where the Basque language can function as the primary medium of exchange” (Douglass et al. 171). This would unite the northern French Basques with the Southern Spanish Basques and possibly create a more united and stronger Basque country. The strengthening relationship between the Basques and the European Union can prove to be very beneficial to the Basques in the future. The ever-increasing involvement of Euskadi in the European construction has “become the prime vehicle for the modernization of Basque socioeconomic reality” (Douglass et al. 205). This relationship has better equipped the Basques to deal with their internal problems. There is now a greater awareness of the Basque culture among the European community that have emerged through cultural exchanges and increased interactions among the Basques (Douglass et al. 205). Lastly, the exposure to European Union proceedings and other countries, the Basques have become more sensitized to better problem solving and conflict resolution methods. They can use these experiences to repair their divided nationalist movements and promote stronger more effective organizations. Though it seems that the dream of a fully independent Basque state may never be realized in the near future, the

Basque spirit remains unaffected by this discouragement. If history continues to repear itself, it appears tha the Basques will continue to fight for their language, culture, and independence for as long as they are around; and since they are potentially the oldest inhabitants of Europe, we may never see the end of the Basque struggle.

Appendix A

English Summary of Chapter 1 The Basque Country is located in the Pyrenees Mountains between France and Spain. There are seven total provinces that comprise “Euskal Herria,”or “the nation that speaks Basque” (Jacob xv). The three provinces in France are known as Ipparralde, which means „those of the north‟ (Jacob xv). In Spain, the four provinces known as “Hegoalde” comprise the Basque Autonomous Community (BAC). According to many Basques, the border between the two countries is unimportant. This sentiment is expressed in their national slogan: “Zazpiak bat: the seven are one” (Jacob xv). Though there are differences in the Spanish Basque regions and the French Basque regions, both sides of the territory are linked by one common tie: their unique language known as Euskara. The majority of Basques identify themselves first as Basque, and secondly as French or Spanish. They adamantly believe in their culture and way of life and have fought hard for centuries to maintain it. Through this time, Euskara

has emerged as the most important aspect of Basque culture. The Basques are believed to be one of the most ancient people in the world. Their language is the only non indo-European languages native to Europe (Jacob xiv), and has many Paleolithic linguistic roots. Furthermore, the language and the culture of the Basques have remained essentially unchanged, despite invasions by the Romans, the Gauls, the Visigoths, the Celts, the Franks, the Huns, and the Moors. No invaders were able to neither conquer nor greatly influence the Basques. Only the Romans were able to influence the Basques slightly, by imparting several Latin words on them; however, this was only accomplished because they allowed the Basques to maintain their territory peacefully. The geography of the Basque region has benefited them immensely. Tucked away in and surrounded by the Pyrenees mountains, the villages are protected from enemies. The Basques have the advantage of knowing the difficult terrain and have successfully defended themselves throughout history. However, geography is not the sole reason for the insularity of the Basque culture. Surprisingly, studies have shown that the Basques that have immigrated to other countries have maintained their unique culture and language instead of assimilating into the new culture. Despite the image of unity that surrounds the Basques, the regions on each side of the border have evolved differently over the years. One prominent difference is the amount of violence that occurs predominantly in Spain. The Basque terrorist group, the E.T.A., focuses its attacks on Spain and uses the French Basque region as a safe hideout. Currently, a greater percentage of French Basques speak Euskara than Spanish Basques. This can be attributed to the oppression of Franco‟s rule in Spain that explicitly and violently forbade Euskara. However, the prevalence of Euskara in public, on road signs and in daily conversation, is greater in Spain than in France, which can be explained by the Basques current autonomous status in Spain. Both countries have had very different histories and governments that have influenced the Basque people. The particularly cruel and oppressive reign of Franco in Spain elicited a more violent and active Basque resistance. Contrarily, the French attitude of turning the other cheek has led to a quieter but stronger Basque culture in France. The current state of the Basque people differs in each country as well. The French Basques do not have an official minority status in France. Their language is not recognized by the state and the French “departments” do not correspond to the basque territory. As a result, the French Basques are first fighting for linguistic freedom, as that is

viewed as the most important aspect of their culture. However, the Spanish Basques have already been granted autonomy in Spain. Their language is considered official in the Basque Autonomous Community. Therefore, they are fighting for more complete independence from Spain, which results in a more violent battle. In France, the Basques live a quieter life with a more peaceful accord with the French government than the Spanish Basques have with the Spanish government. The culture, though present and strong, is hidden beneath the surface, but emerges if one looks close enough. For example, the French Basques consider it disrespectful to not learn Euskara and pass it on to future generations. The French government restricts the usage of Euskara, but does not actively persecute those who speak it, as the Spanish government did during the Franco regime. Also, in general, the French Basques are more sympathetic to French politics than Basque politics, which makes them more cooperative with the state. However, the French Basques still attempt to protect their language and culture from the dominance of the French language. Euskara is important to the Basque people because the language maintains their identity and unites their community. Without a common language, the Basque culture would not be as strong, nor would their “nation” have much of a nationalistic claim. In the past, basque leaders have always fought to protect and preserve the language above all, knowing that if Euskara died out then the culture and basque lifestyle would soon follow. It is clear that though Euskara still has a strong hold in the Basque regions, the number of fluent speakers is lower than in the past. However, there is still hope for the language. Euskara is still the preferred and most commonly used language in Basque churches, and does seem to be making a bit of a comeback in Spain. The French state has worked hard to eliminate Euskara, along with other regional languages. After the French Revolution, the country adopted the idea of nationalizing the French language. This was done to unite the country, but in the process, minority languages were considered the language of peasants. The French hoped to destroy minority languages in this way. The existence of the Basque language is a threat to the unification of France. Furthermore, the international community is becoming increasingly dominated by the hegemony of the English language. France is trying to secure the place of French among international organizations. In order to be a contender against English, French needs all the support it can gain, and officiating minority languages within its

own borders would weaken French. However, despite French efforts to weaken Euskara, the Basques have managed to retain their language and continue to educate younger generations to ensure the continuity of the language. The traditional basque society is ancient and mainly agricultural. The rural landscape does not provide much opportunity for any other industry, and the agricultural economy is very weak on its own. In this way, the French basques are dependent on the stronger French economy. This makes it difficult for the French basques to imagine being a completely independent nation. Instead, they continue their dependence on France, while still participating independent Basque political movements and organizations, as if they were an autonomous community. They also circumvent the French reluctance to teach regional languages in schools. By introducing religious basque schools in the region, they are able to teach Euskara without state intervention. One man professes what he calls the “profound secret” of the basques; that “one is born basque, one speaks basque, one lives basque, and one dies basque” (Jacob). He continues to say “The basque language is a homeland, I almost said a religion. Say one basque word to a mountain man in those mountains; before that word, you were harldy a man to him; afterwards, you are his brother” (Jacob). These quotes signify the importance of Basque culture and language to the basques themselves. They live and breathe basque. They are more basque than French or Spanish. It‟s not just a title to them; it‟s an entire lifestyle that cannot be broken or warped by anyone, and Euskara is

the

strength

that

binds

them

all

together.

Résumé français de Chapitre 2

La langue est très importante à l‟identité d‟une personne, d‟un groupe, et d‟un pays. Un groupe de personnes peuvent communiquer effectivement s‟il y a une langue commune (Salhi). Cependant, pour les groupes ethniques minoritaires, la langue est quelque chose qui est difficile à maintenir. Quand les gouvernements, comme la France et l‟Espagne, essaient de protéger leur langue, les langues des minorités deviennent moins importantes. En France, la langue française est un symbole de l‟identité française. « La Francophonie » est un terme pour les nations, les provinces, les régions, et les communautés où on parle le français (Salhi 2). Le quatrième et la cinquième république de France promouvaient l‟importance d‟une langue française pure. Pendant la Cinquième République, la ligne « La langue de la Republique est le français » était ajoutée à la Constitution Française. (Salhi 12). Il y a aussi un « projet culturel extérieur de la France » qui est concentre sur les politiques linguistiques. Aujourd‟hui, le français est une langue populaire, qui est parlée par environ 265 million des personnes dans le monde. Cette une langue officielle de l‟Union Européenne aussi. En fait, le français est une langue qui peut rivaliser avec l‟anglais dans le monde international. Dans les élections à 1981, Mitterrand a dit qu‟il essaierait de créer un département Basque ; cependant, il ne l‟a pas fait victoire. Les Basques n‟étaient pas heureux, mais ils ont collaboré avec le gouvernement français paisiblement (Douglass et al. 399). En 1983, la violence Basque contre la France a éclaté qui était similaire à la violence de l‟ETA en Espagne. En 1999, le “Charter for Regional or Minority Languages” était signé par la France pour protéger les langues minoritaires. Cependant, la charte est trop imprécise, et les pays peuvent interpréter la loi différemment. En 1994, le Loi Toubon était crée pour régenter l‟utilisation du français. Par exemple, 40% des chansons sur le radio doivent être en français ; cependant, les langues régionales sont incluses dans le terme « français » (Salhi 99). Mais, la loi était injuste aussi parce qu‟elle dit que seulement les publications écrites française peuvent être publiés (Salhi 153). La France essaie d‟exécuter la standardisation du français, mais l‟Union Européen peut protéger les langues minoritaires en France. Les organisations internationales travaillent pour protéger la langue Basque, mais en général, les lois internationales sont trop imprécises pour changer la situation.

Il est important de protéger la langue Basque parce que Euskera est très important historiquement. C‟est la seule langue en Europe qui est non-indo-européenne, et on ne sait pas les origines d‟Euskara. Naturellement, ce serait mal si on éradiqué une langue si historique et si unique. Puisque la langue est une minorité, les Basques veulent une garantie de la protection d‟Euskara. Il y a évidence que la langue est vraiment plus forte aujourd‟hui. La population des personnes qui connaissent Euskara est plus grande. Aussi, il y a plus de personnes qui parlent la langue Basque dans les provinces Basques françaises que dans les provinces basques espagnoles (Urrutia). On peut déterminer que cette différence est à cause de l‟oppression et l‟interdiction de la langue Basque en Espagne par Franco. Même la France veut promouvoir le français seulement, les politiques linguistiques sont plus indifférentes à l‟existence de la langue Basque que les politiques en Espagne pendant les années de Franco. Maintenant, la population qui parle Euskara en Espagne est en augmentation, pendant que la population des personnes qui parlent Euskara en France est décroissante. Cette différence peut être liée à la création de BAC (Basque Autonomous Community) en Espagne. La langue basque est officielle dans le BAC, alors c‟est plus protégé que la langue Basque en France (Urrutia). La situation des politiques est le contraire de la langue. La langue basque est plus forte en France, mais les politiques sont plus fortes en Espagne. La violence de l‟ETA est centralisée sur Espagne, et pas sur la France. L‟explication pour cela est que l‟oppression de Franco a inspire les Basques à lutter contre l‟état espagnol. Au contraire, les Basques en France n‟ont pas beaucoup de protection de la langue Basque, mais elle n‟était pas complètement interdite la. Les Basques français ont moins d‟oppression contre laquelle révolter que les basques espagnols. Avec les deux histoires différent, les basques espagnols et les Basques françaises ont évolué différemment. La culture de pays basque soutient cette idée aussi. La culture basque espagnol est considérée jeune et passionnée (Beck). Les jeunes basques en Espagne ont toujours célébré la liberté des Basques après Franco. Ils sont plus enclins à la violence à cause de leur passion et des souvenirs d‟oppression dans le passé récent. Mais, la culture basque française est plus ancienne et intégrée dans la vie quotidienne en France (Beck). La langue et la culture basque sont une tradition qui n‟a jamais été interdite. La lutte basque française est plus paisible et politique.

Récemment, les Basques français ont commences à apprendre les techniques de leurs voisins en Espagne. Puisque les Basques espagnols ont l‟autonomie, les Basques françaises peuvent regarder le chemin ce que les Basques ont pris en Espagne pour gagner l‟autonomie. Plusieurs initiatives pour le soutien de la langue basque sont basées sur l‟exemple des Basques Espagnols (Bray). En Espagne, les Basques continuent à lutter pour plus de la liberté avec la langue. En 1982, une loi, qui s‟appelait « The 1982 Basic Law for Nomalizing Basque Language Use » a donné aux individus, au lieu des territoires, le droit d‟utiliser Euskera (Koenig). Cependant, les Espagnols étaient contre cette loi parce qu‟ils ne voulaient pour que la langue basque sont parlée dans les bureaux du gouvernement Espagnol. Puis, une loi en 2000 a été créée pour éliminer l‟obligation de la connaissance d‟Euskara pour les postes publics pour combattre la discrimination contre les espagnols mono-linguistes (Koenig). La langue basque est encouragée au BAC par le « Department of Linguistic Policy of the Basque Autonomous Community. » Une autre organisation linguistique est le HABE (the Association to Re-establish Basque Literacy Among Adults), qui travaille pour instituteur la langue Basque dans l‟université publique. Cependant, les Basques espagnols sont un peu moins unifiés. Pendant les années de Franco, tous les Basques en Espagne se rejoignaient pour lutter contre Franco. Après ça, sans un ennemi commun, les basques espagnols ont l‟occasion de changer les idées and de diverger. Sans une bonne organisation politique, les institutions Basques, comme HABE et AEK (Coordination for the Alphabetization and Teaching of the Basque Language) ne recoivent pas le financement dont ils ont besoin (Perez-Agote). Malgré les dégâts de l‟oppression de Franco, son règne a aidé la langue basque transformé son image. Avant, la langue basque souffrait d‟une image « provinciale. » Les Basques français pensaient que le français était la langue élite. Les Basques espagnols pensaient que l‟espagnol est la langue d‟intelligence. Mais, l‟interdiction a crée une conscience de la langue et la culture basque. Quand la langue était menacée, les Basques ont décidé de protéger la langue et de se révolter contre le gouvernement (Perez-Agote). En plus, un grand problème avec les politiques linguistique des Basques est que les buts sont trop difficiles à atteindre. Ils luttent pour le monolinguisme, mais ils ne considèrent pas le bilinguisme. Une personne basque explique « The heart wants monolingualism. But here one knows full well that Spanish is going to dominate for

years to come » (Perez-Agote 131). Un autre problème est que pas tous les basques veulent apprendre la langue. Il y a une ignorance des institutions du Basque Autonomous Community. Les parties politiques sont faibles et les peuples ne participent pas dans les politiques. Mais, ils critiquent le gouvernement de BAC pour l‟échec d‟atteindre l‟indépendance totale et monolinguisme. En 2003, il y a eu un débat sur le sujet d‟une constitution européenne. Au départ, les Basques ont lutté contre cette constitution parce que la langue basque n‟était pas représentée. Cependent, ils ont realisé que « each step in favor of Europe implies less Spain and less France » (Keating et al. 357). Donc, cette constitution, bien qu‟elle soit défectueuse, est une étape dans la bonne direction. La langue est un sujet qui est très important à l‟identité d‟un peuple, surtout les Basques. Ce peuple ancien veut protéger la culture et la langue qui ont endurée depuis des siècles. Aussi, cette langue est le lien parmi les Basques. Sans Euskara, les Basques ne semblent pas très différents les autres. De façon plus importante, la langue crée un sentiment nationaliste parmi les Basques, qui est indispensable à la continuance basque et de la basque culture.

Résumé français de Chapitre 3

La langue est essentielle à nationalisme d‟un group ethnique parce que c‟est une marque culturelle qui aide un group se différencier des autres peuples. Aussi, avec une langue commune, c‟est plus facile à converser avec le groupe. Plus de conversation permet au nationalisme de prospérer. L‟indépendance d‟une nation garantit un gouvernement qui représente le group ethnique et protège leur culture et leur langue. Cela est vrai pour les Basques, qui veulent plus d‟indépendance pour assurer la survie de la langue. La nation basque recevra la légitimité, ce qui donnera à la langue Basque la sécurité dans le monde. Il est possible pour une nation d‟avoir plusieurs ethnicités avec succès, mais ca ne marche pas facilement en France, ou il y un accent très fort sur le français. En plus, quand la langue basque est plus forte, le nationalisme basque devient plus fort aussi. En France, les Basques ont la tache difficile à surmonter le fort nationalisme française. Il est très difficile pour les Basques d‟avoir un nationalisme réussi parce que la connaissance de la langue n‟est pas égale parmi les Basques. Pas tous les Basques sont bilingues. En plus, les basques bilingues sont divisées par les Basques qui sont bilingues en Euskara et espagnol, et les basques qui sont bilingues en Euskara et en français. Ces variances sont nuisibles au nationalisme et à l‟identité unie des Basques. L‟augmentation des langues est liée à la création des nouveaux nationalismes. Pendant le dix-neuvième siècle les langues nationales en Europe ont augmenté de seize langues à trente langues. A partir de 1937, il y avait vingt-trois langues ajoutées. Correspondant à la croissance dans les langues, les mouvements nationalistes ont augmenté aussi. Chaque langue European a « some form of political organization or movement » (Cottam & Cottam). Il est évident que la langue est très importante au nationalisme.

Puisqu‟il est important d‟avoir une langue unifiée, les Basques ont créé une forme unifiée d‟Euskara. Les politologues et les historians croient que « the link between language and nation has been a prominent feature of modern politics » et que « among most present-day ethno-nationalist movements, language continues to be the basic criteria of self-definition and nationhood » (Conversi 198). Mais les mouvements nationalistes peuvent avoir les autres buts aussi. Le but des basques espagnols est probablement d‟accumuler le plus de pouvoir politique légitime possible, parce qu‟ils déjà ont l‟autonomie en Espagne. Puisque la langue est si importante au nationalisme, si une langue est rare ou en danger, les politiques nationalistes seront ambigües. En France, même la langue est plus populaire, c‟est moins fréquent dans la publique. Le plus cachée conversations basques sont un cause d‟un stéréotype d‟une présence basque faible. L‟idée que le mouvement basque est faible en France est un problème pour le succès du nationalisme basque français. Des deux cotés de la frontière, les mouvements basques nationalistes sont très désorganisés. Il y a plusieurs organisations nationalistes basque en France et en Espagne, et même ils sont similaires, les différences mineurs parmi les organisations créent un mouvement nationaliste pas unie. Le fondateur du premier mouvement nationaliste basque, Sabino de Arana, n‟était pas concerné avec la langue. Il pensait que la pureté de la race basque était la plus importante chose qu‟ils devaient protéger. Il a fondé le premier parti nationaliste basque, le PNV, sur cette idée en 1984. Cependant, après la mort de Arana, les basques ont changé leurs idées sure les aspects importants du mouvement nationaliste basque. Puis, la langue devenait le plus important but du mouvement nationaliste basque. Le nationalisme basque et ses buts pour un état basque uni et indépendant ne peuvent pas être accompli sans un accent sur la langue Basque. La langue donne aux Basques une fierté et une identité collective, qui sont essentiels au mouvement nationaliste réussi. Les traits distinctifs sont indispensables au nationalisme, et il n‟y a pas de trait distinctif mieux que la langue. C‟est le plus visible et plus facile trait distinctif que les nationalistes peuvent utiliser pour promouvoir leur mission. Aussi, ce n‟est pas très difficile à enseigner aux Basques monolingues Euskara. C‟est un trait qu‟on peut s'assurer que tous les Basques partagent. Le plus célèbre mouvement nationaliste basque est le group terroriste, Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA). L‟ETA était établi en 1959 et les fondateurs ont pris les idées d‟Arana et ont ajoutée un accent plus grand sur la

langue basque (Dennis). Ils utilisaient Euskara pour mobiliser les autres nationalistes. Ils étaient aussi influencés par Frederico Kruvig qui était un membre de l‟Académie de la langue Basque. Pour atteindre les buts linguistiques, l‟ETA devenait une organisation terroriste et violente en Espagne et en France. Les autres organisations nationalistes basques partagent les buts similaires de l‟ETA, mais ils sont moins violents et extrême. Axkatasuna, Gestoras pro-Amnistia, and Senadeak soutiennent les membres de l‟ETA qui sont en prison ou en danger de poursuites (Dennis). La plupart des organisations nationaliste basque partagent le but principal de protéger la langue surtout. L‟ETA perdait quelques partisans à cause de la violence, mais il y a les autres organisations avec les mêmes buts qui sont plus paisibles (Dennis). La plupart des attaques terroriste sont contre Espagne, parce que le mouvement nationaliste basque est plus extrême et sérieux là. Cependant, les jeunes basques en France qui étaient fâchés et frustrés ont fondé Iparretarrek, un mouvement violent inspiré par l‟ETA. Ce mouvement du nord est focalisé sur la France, et très similaire a l‟ETA. La première partie du pays basque totale, Euskal Herriko Aderdi Sozialista (EHAS), était crée en 1975. C‟est un autre mouvement avec les mêmes idéologies de l‟ETA qui n‟aimait pas la violence terroriste. Un but de EHAS était « the implementation of the Basque language as the expression of national culture » (Jacob 194). Le parti essayait d‟unir les sept provinces basques et tous les mouvements nationalistes basques. Cette unité est nécessaire pour le succès d‟un nationalisme basque, mais l‟EHAS était critiqué pour être trop hégémonique. Puis, l‟EHAS mouvement a échoué à cause des critiques et le succès d‟Iparretarrek. En 1981 François Mitterrand a parlé de la création d‟un département Basque pendant l‟élection présidentielle. Les Basques en France étaient apaisés par cette promesse et la violence d‟Iparretarrek a cessé et les votes pour Mitterrand ont augmenté. Cependant, Mitterrand a manqué à sa promesse, et les Basques étaient très déçus de cette trahison. Le nationalisme souffrait de plus de désorganisation, et les nouveaux mouvements nationalistes étaient moins disposés à compromettre. En 1988, le ministère de l'Intérieur, Pierre Joxe, a voyagé au Pays Basque pour comprendre pourquoi les Basques étaient si violentes. Apres la visite, le gouvernement française est devenu plus coopératif et a annoncé un plan pour protéger la culture et la langue basque. Mais, quelques années plus tard, les attaques sur la France ont

continué. En 1996, les officiels français et espagnols travaillaient ensemble pour calmer l‟ETA. L‟ETA a déclaré un cessez-le-feu permanent en 1998 pour commencer les pourparlers de paix. Une année plus tard, le cessez-le-feu était cassé. En 2003, le PNV a proposé l‟Ibarratxe Plan pour reformer l‟autonomie et réunir les Basques. L‟Ibarratxe Plan était pour la protection de la langue avec plus de liberté dans le gouvernement de BAC. C‟est important parce que le PNV, initialement, n‟accordait pas beaucoup d‟attention à la langue basque, mais maintenant, le PNV réalise que la langue est très importante au mouvement nationaliste basque. L‟ETA a déclaré un autre cessez-le-feu en 2006. Cependant, l‟Espagne et la France ont continué à appréhender les membres de l‟ETA pendant le cessez-le-feu. Sans la coopération d‟Espagne et de France, l‟ETA a déclaré une fin au cessez-le-feu. Aujourd‟hui, le mouvement nationaliste basque est encore désorganisé et désuni. Si les basques veulent vraiment réussir dans les buts du nationalisme basque, ils doivent former un mouvement uni. L‟indépendance est impossible quand tous les Basques luttent pour quelque chose de différent, et quelques Basques ne luttent pas du tout.

Appendix B Figure 1. A Map of the Basque Territory

Spanish Provinces (Hegoalde): Bizkaia (Biscay) Araba (Alave) Gipuzkoa (Guipuzcoa) Nafarroa (Navarre)

French Provinces (Iparralde): Lapurdi (Labourd) Nafarroa Baherea (Basse Navarre) Zuberoa (Soul Figure 2. Linguistic ability by type of bilingualism, first language, linguistic type, linguistic area and sex (vertical %). 2006 French Basque Country Total Men Women Total Men Women Total Men Women Total Men Women Basque Country

Basque Country

Navarra

Sample size (absolute values) 7.185 3.496 3.689

3.599 1.760 1.839

1.587 784 803

1.999 952 1.047

TOTAL

100

100

100

100

100

100

100

100 100

100

100 100

7

8

10

9

10

3

3

6

6

BILINGUALISM TYPE Bilingual

usually

using 8

3

5

Basque Bilingual with balanced use 8 Bilingual usually using 10 Spanish/French Passive bilingual 15 Spanish/French monolingual 59

8

8

9

9

8

3

3

3

11

11

12

10

10

12

12

12

5

5

5

6

5

6

17 58

14 60

18 52

20 50

17 53

8 81

7 82

9 81

9 69

10 67

7 70

26 74

25 75

26 74

30 70

30 70

31 69

11 89

11 89

11 89

22 78

23 77

22 78

FIRST LANGUAGE Euskara 17 Basque and Spanish/French 5 Spanish/French 79

16 5 80

17 5 78

19 5 76

18 5 77

19 5 75

6 3 90

6 3 91

6 3 90

22 6 72

21 7 72

22 5 73

TYPOLOGY LANGUAGE Basque speaker from birth 15 Bilingual from birth 3 Neo-Basque speaker 8

14 3 8

15 3 8

17 4 10

16 4 9

18 3 10

6 1 4

6 1 4

6 2 4

18 2 2

18 3 1

19 2 2

Partially neo-Basque speaker 13

15

12

16

19

14

7

6

7

5

6

3

2

2

2

2

3

1

1

1

4

4

4

1

2

1

1

1

1

1

2

3

3

3

57

58

50

49

51

80

81

79

66

64

67

BILINGUALISM TYPE Basque speaker Spanish/French speaker

Partially 2 Castilanised/Francophonised Totally 1 Castilanised/Francophonised Spanish/French speaker from 58 birth Date June 20, 2008

Source: Sociolinguistic survey of Euskal Herria. 2006

Figure 3. Feeling of belonging to the Basque community in Spain (Navarre and BAC) and France

Figures 4 and 5. Basque Bilingual Education Succeses in Spain

Model D, education solely in Basque with Spanish as a subject Model B/G – equal education in Basque and Spanish Model A – education solely in Spanish with Basque as a subject Model X – education exclusively in Spanish Source: Ametzaga, Introduction to a Political History of the Basque Language and Literature

Figure 6. Map of Basque Country with borders

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Jenette Sophia Smiddle

The Importance of Euskara and its Influence on Basque Nationalism

Submitted to the Department of Political Science and the Department of French of Allegheny College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Arts.

I hereby recognize and pledge to fulfill my responsibilities as defined in the Honor Code and to maintain the integrity of both myself and the College community as a whole.

____________________________________ (NAME PRINTED HERE)

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Approved by:

____________________________ (Professor Jacqueline Gehring)

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