Ablaut and the organization of Cushitic verbal systems

Mar 22, 1997 - [8] Somali strong verb Ablaut : PAST. PRES "INF" / IMPER i a o. [9] Apophony theory [1] : Classical Arabic [CA] (GUERSSEL & LOWENSTAMM ...
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GLOW 20 Workshop "Morpho-Syntax and Phonology of African and Afro-Asiatic Languages" RABAT 03.22.97

Ablaut and the organization of Cushitic verbal systems Tobias SCHEER

Philippe SEGERAL

Univ. Paris 8 - Dpt des Sciences du Langage 2, rue de la Liberté 93526 St-DENIS CEDEX 02 e-mail : [email protected]

Univ. Paris 7 - UFR Linguistique 2, place Jussieu 75251 PARIS CEDEX 05 tél : (33) 01 44 27 56 84 e-mail : [email protected]

1. Somali "strong" verbs [1] Ablaut in Cushitic languages (COHEN 72, 74, ANDRZEJEWSKI 75, VOIGT

85, APPLEYARD 92).

[2]

"strong verbs" (Awngi, Beja, Afar, Rendille, Somali) : a) personal morphemes prefixed (vs "weak" verbs : pers. morphemes suffixed) b) radical or / and prefixal vowel alternations related to tense / aspect

[3]

Somali : 4 "strong" verbs (we let aside the prefixed verb yahay be which is irregular) : yiil be in a place yimi[d] come yidhi say yiqiin know.

[4]

past / present : i - a Ablaut

PAST 3ms -iyiil yimi[d] yidhi yiqiin

[5]

"infinitive" : o-form

PAST yiil yimi yidhi yiqiin

PRES 3ms -ayaal [-laa] yamaad-daa yidhaah-daa yaqaan [-naa] INF oól imán odhán oqoón[-ín] / aqoón[-ín]

[6]

forms built on the basis of the "infinitive" : - with aux. : futur : waan odhán doonaa I will say past habitual : waan odhán jirey I used to say I would say / have said conditional : waan odhán lahaa - progress. [-ay-] past : waan odhánayey I was saying pres. : waan odháneyaa I am saying did'nt say - negatives past : má odhán / -anín past progr. : má odháney´n /-eynín was / were not saying he is not saying ) (pres. progr. : odhán máayó imperative : ha ódhan[in] don't say [sing]it ! optative : yáanu odhán may he not say it !

[7]

imperative : yidhi : yimi : yiil : 2s dhé[h] [imáaw] (kaálay ) óol 2p dháha [imaáda] (kaaláya ) oólla PRES a

yiqiin : oqóow oqaáda/-oóda / aqoóda

[8]

Somali strong verb Ablaut : PAST i

"INF" / IMPER o

[9]

Apophony theory [1] : Classical Arabic [CA] (GUERSSEL & LOWENSTAMM 96) pf. labisa ipf. yalbasu i -> a yaDribu a -> i Daraba kataba yaktubu a -> u kaburu yakburu u -> u

a) non-applicativity (a -> u or i) / polarity (a -> i / i -> a) b) hypothesis : applicativity / no polarity => there is a fourth input : "X" i -> a X -> i a - > u u -> u c) identity of X = ø [CA vowel colour inventory : only i, a, u) d) a in DAraba is a propagation of preceding A ("active") / a in kAtaba is lexical e) CA apophonic formula : ø ==> i ==> a ==> u ==> u [10] Apophony theory [2] : beyond verbal system of CA : Kabyle Berber (BENDJABALLAH 95), Ge'ez (SEGERAL 95, 96), epenthetic glides in CA (CHEKAYRI & SCHEER 96), Akkadian (SEGERAL 95). [11] Apophony theory [3] : Ablaut in languages with complex vowel system : a) New High German Ablaut (SÉGÉRAL & SCHEER , 96, forth) : i. sing-e sang ge-sung-en i => a => u ii. helf-e half ge-holf-en ??? b) framework : Theory of Elements (KAYE, LOWENSTAMM & VERGNAUD (= KLV) 85) : phonological primitives : autosegmental Elements A, I, U (and v°). Vocalic expressions resulting from their combination (heads are underlinied) : A...............A.......v°.......v°......A.......A......A.... |

|

|

|

|

|

I / U...........v°.......I...….U...….I........U......v°.... :

:

:

:

:

:

a I U E O ∂ c) elemental reading of derivations involving complex vowels : pres. h e l f pret. h a l f past. part - h o l f |

apophonic Element :

|

I

=>

|

A

=>

|

U |

"parasitic" Element : A A d) "parasitic" Element(s) : i. in the base-form (present) : in complementary distribution with potentially apophonic Elements in NHA - A and U are always parasitic in the present - the apophonic Element is thus either I or ø. ii. in derived forms (pret. and past part.) : predictable from the segmental context e) main generalization : apophony applies to Elements, not to segments f) Apophonic Path [AP] recast : ø ==> I ==> A ==> U ==> U [12] Somali strong verb Ablaut reading i a |

I

o

|

==>

|

A

==>

U

apophonic El.

|

A [13] sense of derivation predicted : PAST ==> PRES

"parasitic" El.

==> "INF"/ IMPER

[14] parasitic A+ in o-form ("inf" / imper) : general predictibility (see below). 2. Somali "weak" verbs [15] Somali "weak" verbs : i. personal morphemes suffixed ii. no radical Ablaut [16] morphology (ex. keen bring ) : PAST

PRES

PRES Progr

PRES NEG

SUBJ PRES

2S keen-t-ay keen-t-aa keén-ay-s-aa má keen-t-ó ín keen-t-ó 3mS keen-ay keen-aa keén-ay-aa má keen-ó ín keen-ó 2

OPT

aan keén-t-o há keen-o

STEM + morph.]

[pers. morph.]

+

([progr. morph. ay])

3mS -ø2S -t- (-->s / y__ )

+

[tense

(-ay-)

/

aspect

Past -ay Pres. Subj.Opt.

-aa -o [17] tense / aspect morph. = ancient ablauting verb be [COHEN 72:57-58, APPLEYARD 92:127-128...]. [18] apophonic interpretation of tense / aspect morphemes -a-y -a-a -a-u > -o |

I

|

=>

|

A

=>

U |

A [19] -o : a) a-U > o (monophtongization APPLEYARD 92:149), but Oromo deem-u, Awngi des-ub) length : Somali *-oo# (and *-uu#) [20] organization : PAST ==> PRES ==> SUBJ / OPT [21] strong verb "pres.[a] + -o" forms : a) subj. pres. (3ms) : yidhaahd-ó b) pres. neg. (3ms) : má+ yidhaahd-ó c) optative (1s) : an + idhaáhd-o

yimaadd-ó yimaadd-ó imaádd-o

yaall-ó yaál [tone] aállo

yaqaann-ó yaqaán [tone] aqaánn-o

[22] strong verb "pres. [a] + -o" forms = weak verbs "-o" forms [Nota : subj. pres. progr. is the only "inf. [o-form] + -o" form : odhánay-ó ] [23] mark distribution : strong v. PAST subj.

past past progr.

PRES. [habit.] neg. SUBJ. PRES. progr. NEG. past past progr. pres. progr. imper. opt. IMPER. OPT. INF.

i i [and ´] i [and ´] a a (+ o) a +o inf [o] + o inf [o] inf [o] inf [o] + máayó inf [o] inf [o] o a +o o

3

weak v.

a PRES

u INF / IMPER

|

|

subj. past subj. past progr.

pres. neg. subj. pres. opt.

neg. past neg. past progr. neg. pres. progr. neg. imper. neg. opt. subj. pres progr.

PAST

PRES

SUBJ / OPT

|

|

subj. past subj. past progr.

pres. neg.

|

neg. past neg. past prog. neg. pres. progr. neg. imper. neg. opt.

=>

3. Other Cushitic languages [26] derivation past > pres. ((data from APPLEYARD 92) Oromo deem- go Afar fak- open Beja tam- eat Gawwada 'uk- drink Awngi des- study [27] past >pres. = instantiation of the I=>A step of AP :

|

|

subj. pres. progr.

PAST (3ms) dem-e fak-eh tam-ì 'úk-í des-é I

PRES. (3ms) dem-a fak-ah tam-yà 'úk-á des-a =>

A

[28] front mid vowel -e in the past (Oromo, Afar, Bilin) : a) A is parasitic (E= I • A) b) possible generalization (Cushitic apophonic parameter) : 2 versions i. in every complex vocalic expression, A, if present, is parasitic ii. apophonic Elements are always heads [29] a / u -forms in Central Cushitic : the case of Awngi (see HETZRON 69, COHEN 72, APPLEYARD 92) a) Awngi subordinate forms pf ipf "subjectal relative" (1s) a desúg á deság á desát "complemental relative" (1s + fem. cpl) b desút "immediate" (1s) c desuta "temporal" (1s) d desáni "terminative" (1s) e des∂´mba desúni "conditionnal in protasis" (1s) f desáƒtúni "subjunctive" ( subordinate imperative) (1s) g desáta "stative" h desazkokûs desûs b) if pf --> ipf is supposed in subordinate forms : i. derivations : u --> a (a, b ) and a --> u (f, h ) ii. non-related forms (c, d, g )

4

[30] apophonic view : a) *u -> a is excluded b) the derivation is a => u. i. the sense of derivation cannot be sometimes pf => ipf, sometimes ipf => pf ii. a-forms depend on imperfective / u-forms on a main u-form (cond. ?) : Pf [I] ==> Ipf [A] ==> Cond. ? (U) \

subj./ temp / cond (prot) pf / stat. pf / compl. rel. pf / / compl. subj. pf

\

cond.(prot) pf / immed. / termin./ compl. rel pf

[31] pf -> ipf is irrelevant in subordinate forms : a) cf Somali : SUBJ pf. / ipf. are distributed. b) existence of forms without reference to pf / ipf opposition [32] semantically cohesive sets of u-forms : ex. Afar (data from HAYWARD & PARKER (85)) requestive requ. neg. intentive / neg. ipf probable purposive I fake open fako mafako fàku fàku(h)fàkuh [33] u-forms in East and u-forms in Central Cushitic : related ? possible common semantic feature : [-real] or [+ volitive] ? References ANDRZEJEWSKI, B. (75), "Verbs with vocalic mutation in Somali and their significance for HamitoSemitic comparatives studies", Hamito-Semitica, The Hague. APPLEYARD, D. L. (92), "Vocalic Ablaut and Aspect Marking in the Verb in Agaw", JOAL vol.3 nr 2. BENDJABALLAH, Sabrina (95) Aspects de la morphologie du kabyle, Paris 7. CHEKAYRI, A & T. SCHEER (96), "The Apophonic origin of Glides in the verbal system of Classical Arabic", Studies in Afroasiatic Grammar, The Hague. COHEN, D. (72), "La mutation aspectivo-temporelle dans quelques langues couchitiques et le système verbal chamito-sémitique", Langues et techniques ; nature et société en hommage à A. Haudricourt, vol. I Approche linguistique , Paris. COHEN, D. (74), "Alternances vocaliques dans le système verbal couchitique et chamito-sémitique", Actes du 1er Congrès International de Linguistique Sémitique, The Hague. GUERSSEL, M & J. LOWENSTAMM (96), "Ablaut in Classical Arabic Measure I Active Verbal Forms", Studies in Afroasiatic Grammar, Lecarme, J., J. Lowenstamm & U.Shlonsky eds, The Hague. HETZRON, R. (69), The Verbal system of Southern Agaw - Univ. of Californy Publications n°12. KAYE J., LOWENSTAMM, J. & VERGNAUD J.-R. [=KLV] (1988), "The Internal structure of Phonological Elements", Phonology Yearbook 2. ORWIN, M. (95), Colloquial Somali , London & New York (Routledge). PARKER, E. M. & R. J. HAYWARD (85), An Afar-English-French Dictionary (with grammatical notes in English), London (SOAS) SAEED, J. I. (93), Somali reference Grammar, Kensington (Dunwoody Press). SEGERAL, P. (95), Une théorie généralisée de l'Apophonie , Thèse de Doctorat, Paris 7. SEGERAL, P. (96), "L'apophonie en ge'ez",Studies in Afroasiatic Grammar, The Hague. SEGERAL, P. & T. SCHEER (96), "L'apophonie dans les verbes forts de l'Allemand Moderne", Actes du Colloque Langues et Grammaire 1, Paris. SEGERAL, P. & T. SCHEER (forth.), "A generalized theory of Ablaut : the case of Modern German Strong Verbs" in Models of Inflection, Ortmann A., R. Fabri & T. Parodi eds, Tübingen (Niemayer). VOIGT, R. M. (85), "Die beiden Präfixkonjugationen des Ostkuschitichen" in Afrika und Übersee 68

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